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THE 

BELIEF OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE 

AND OF THE MOST EMINENT 

GENTILE PHILOSOPHERS, 

MORE ESPECIALLY OF 

PLATO AND ARISTOTLE, 

IN 

A FUTURE STATE, 

BRIEFLY CONSIDERED. 



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THE 

BELIEF OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE 

AND OF THE MOST EMINENT 

GENTILE PHILOSOPHERS, 

MORE ESPECIALLY OF 

PLATO AND ARISTOTLE, 

IN 

A FUTUHE STATE, 

f 
BRIEFLY CONSIDERED; 

INCLUDING AN EXAMINATION INTO SOME OF THE LEADING PBINC1PLE9 

CONTAINED IN BISHOP WARBURTON'S DIVINE LEGATION OF MOSES ; 

\ 

IN 

A DISCOURSE 

PREACHED BEFORE THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD AT ST. MARFS, 

March 30> 1828. 

WITH NOTES AND AN APPENDIX. 



BY 

W. MILLS, B. D* 

FBLLOW OF MAOBALEN COLLEGE. 



Tvftv^m v^s'^I'VXfis 'H AN0PXiniNH XOdtIA ri)^ ^ 'H BEIA. 

Origenes. 



OXFORD: 

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS FOR THE AUTHOR, 

ANP SOLD BY J. PABKEB ; AND BY C. AND J. BIYINGTON^ LONDON. 

MDCGCXXYIII. 



: " Draitized' bv XL^ O0Q IC 




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TO 



JOHN THOMAS HOPE, ESQ. 



THE FOLLOWING 



DISCOURSE 



IS INSCRIBED 



WITH THE SINCKIUSST FRIENDSHIP AND REGARD. 



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PREFACE. 



The following Discourse, delivered up- 
wards of sii months since, was not origi- 
nally intended for publication. It is com- 
mitted to the press with the sanction of a 
learned friend, whose ojnnion the author 
considers of great value. It was thought 
that a brief statement of an important 
question might not be without advantage 
to others engaged in the same inquiries. 
The controversies that arose wh^n the 
Divine Legation of Warhunrton was first 
published have long since died away, nor 
is it necessary to awaken them again, ex- 
cept as &ir as the chief subject of dispute 
is connected with the acquisition of reli- 
gious truth itself. An examination into 
the belief of Jew or Gentile in the soul's 
immortality before the coming of our Sa- 
viour, can never cease to be an interesting 
question to the Christian philosopher. Nor 



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viii PREFACE. 

will the investigation be without profit to 
him who pursues it candidly, as a source of 
moral improvement. He may learn to be 
thankful on the ground of revelation for 
the advantages which he enjoys over the 
most favoured Israelite in the superior 
blessings and prospects of the new, com- 
pared with the old dispensation; and on 
the ground of his natural faculties, he will 
be sensible of the benefits which reason 
itself has derived from the word of Scrip- 
ture, as well in directing as in limiting its 
exercise. He has seen the day clearly 
which the inspired patriarchs of old, with 
the prophetic eye of faith, at a distance^ 
rejoiced to see; and he has received that 
light of imparted knowledge from Heaven, 
whic^ the wisest of the heathens felt neces- 
sary to dear up the doubts of the specu- 
lative mind, and would have hailed with 
gratitude and reverence. 



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2 TIMOTHY 1. 10 

"-^ho hath abolished deaths and brought life 
and immortality to light through the gospel. 

These words form part of an Epistle 
written by the great apostle of the Gentiles 
at a time when he stood in need of all the 
consolations to be derived from the doc^ 
trme which they convey; when he was 
suffering from imprisonment and persecu* 
tion, and he perceived that the hour of his 
martyrdom was approaching. Rejoicing in 
the hopes which they inspired, he declared 
that he was afflictejd, and yet was not 
ashamed; and looking forward to his re^ 
ward, he exclaims in a subsequent part of 
the Epistle, / have fought a good fghU I 
have fimshed my course, I have kept ike 
faith : henceforth there is iaid up for me a 
crown of righteousness, which the Lordy the 
righteous judge, shall give me. Language 
so full of confidence in his reward and in 
the grounds of it, so full of trust in the 
righteous Judge who was to confer it, as 
plainly to prove that the power of death 



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2 

was indeed abolished, and that life and im- 
mortality were brought to light. 

Yet these expressions of my text, ^arriTttv- 
Tif ^ciniy Kct) a(l>6ctp(rUv, however strong they 
may appear, are not to be considered as 
implying that the expectation of a future 
life had never been heard of till the coming 
of the Messiah. In its literal acceptation 
the word ^mZfi signifies rather to make 
clear what is obscure, than to bring to light 
what is entirely unknown: thus ^c^rZtiw 
a^tiay, to make the truth manifest, and 
not to shew forth a truth of which no glim- 
mering had previously been perceived. The 
heathen looked forward to a future state, 
though he had no certain evidence for his 
belief, neither comprehending clearly the 
immortality of the soul, nor having any 
notion of the resurrection of the body*. 
And the Jew was instructed by revelation, 
that the life forfeited by the transgression 
of Adam was to be restored through the 
mediation of some future deliverer, though 
all the circumstances connected with the 

* The word a^Japo-iav, incorruption, probably conveys 
this meaning. Macknight and Benson. 



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8 

mystery of redemption were not to be fully 
revealed, till our Saviour's appearance and 
ministry upon earth dispelled every doubt 
and difficulty in which the doctrine was in- 
volved, enlightening what was before ob- 
scure, and completing what was before 
imperfect. 

It will be my object in the present dis- 
course, to compare the knowledge both of 
the Gentiles and the Jewish people, re- 
specting a future life, with the clearer reve- 
lations which Christians enjoy on this mo- 
mentous subject. 

That the idea of another state of exists 
ence after the termination of the present 
universally prevailed among mankind, the 
records of history unequivocally prove: 
there^is no nation, whether savage or civil- 
ized, amongst whom some traces of it may 
not be found. It made a part of the po- 
pular belief in the early stages of society, 
before mythology was formed into a sys- 
tem; it was strongly impressed upon the 
mind before political codes gave a particu- 
lar direction to it by ceremonies and modes 
of worship, and before philosophy exhibited 

B 2 



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alike the power and the weakness of hu- 
man reason, by the subtlety of its specu- 
lations on a subject of such overpowering 
interest. This conviction cannot be ascribed 
to the policy of the legislator, which was 
itself the foundation on which his religious 
enactments were erected, nor yet to the 
wisdom of the philosopher, which prevailed 
for ages before philosophy took its rise 
among mankind. It was probably a rem- 
nant of that early revelation given to our 
first parents, and which, amid all the 
changes and distractions of civil society, 
and all the emigrations of tribes and na- 
tions, had never been utterly obscured**. 
But in process of time, when civilization 
had advanced, men's ideas respecting both 
the nature of the Deity and the doctrine of 
a future state had been corrupted; gods 
were multiplied without number % the li- 

^ The notion of a future existence must be either a 
deduction of reason, or be derived from revelation, or an 
impression of instinctive consciousness. 

^ The treatise, Uepi xoa-iJLovy ascribed to Aristotle, speaks 
of the Deity as One, and derives the Afferent names of 
God from the different parts of nature which he regu- 
lates. Aristot. IIspi Koa-f^ou, cap. 7* 



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centious passions of the most licentious 
men were, ascribed to them, and the belief 
of a future existence was intermingled with 
the wildest creations of the fancy. All 
these notions were at length combined into 
order by the poet, and sanctioned by the 
legislator**; vices of the most atrocious kind 
were countenanced by the example of the 
divinities, and the authority of the laws^ 
and the obligations of mistaken piety and 
public duty, lent in some cases additional 
stimulus to the depraved appetites of our 
nature*. Yet notwithstanding this perni- 

Hesiod and Homer reduced to system the mythology 
of the Grecian gods. Vid. Herod, lib. ii. c. 53. iSrucker, 
Hist. Crit. Phil, pars ii. lib. i. cap. 1. sect. S6. 31. pp^ 
407.4^3. 

In process of time, not only all the operations of exter- 
nal nature were explored for deities, but the most trifling 
acts of man himself were each under the superintendance 
of a particular god. Vide a singular chapter, Augustin* 
Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 11. 

^ It is because the weakness and licentiousness of Jove 
and the other deities, as described by Homer, furnished 
a bad example to mankind, that Plato wished to banish 
poets from his republic. Plato de Repub. lib. iii. Bekker^ 
pars iii. vol. i. p. 107 — 117. 

« The worship of Mylitta, the Babylonian goddess, is 
frequently cited as a preeminent instance of pagan im- 

b3 



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cious influence, derived from the oorrup 
tions of the doctrine, society must have 
been on the whole improved by it; for un- 
less the belief had acted powerfully as a 
check upon the unruly desires, we cannot 
conceive why legislators should have taken 
so much pains to preserve* it^. When 
philosophy, at a comparatively late period, 
arose, it made no claim to the invention of 
the notion, or to have derived it from the 
deductions of natural reason. Not only 
Plato makes continual and direct allusions 

purity ; yet the ordinary homage paid to the divimdes in 
Greece and Rome at the sacred festivals, was far more 
pernicious in its effect upon public morals than the singu* 
lar institution above alluded to. Vid. Augustin. Civ. Dei, 
lib. ii. cap. 4, 5. Herodot. lib. i. cap. 200. 

^ ThaleSy the founder of the Ionic school, flourished 
about six hundred years before Christ, and no r^ular 
•course of reasoning was brought forward for the souPs 
immortality, till the time of Plato, two centuries after : 
Thales taught that water was the first principle, which 
Aristotle seems to consider as the most ancient philoso- 
phical notion, Metaph. lib. i. c. 3. and that God, or Mind, 
made all things out of water. As he was a native of 
Fhcenicia, Cud worth supposes that he received his two 
principles from thence, "water, and the Divine Spirit 
" moving on the face of it.'' Cudworthy Intellect, Syst. 
book i« cap. i. sect. 92,. 



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to tradition as the origin of his knowledge^ 
but earlier writers were avowedly indebted 
to the same source; all that philosophy 
did pretend to was, to demonstrate that 
belief by arguments which was before 
grounded, we know not how, in the com- 
mon fears and hopes of mankind. And let 
those who form an exalted estimate of the 
intellectual powers, in deciding upon such 
mysterious subjects, judge with what suc- 
cess the attempt was made, by the jarring 
and contradictory opinions of the different 
schools of antiquity. Let those who imagine 
that the immortality of the soul (I speak 
not of the resurrection of the body) is dis- 
coverable by human sagacity \ examine the 
strong reasons of that unrivalled genius, 
who has the merit of having taught suc- 
ceeding disputers to set their arguments in 
order on the subject. Almost all the dis- 
quisitions of Plato are grounded upon the 
hypothesis of the soul's preexistence '. Be- 

s Vide Appendix, note A. 
^ Phaedo passim. 

i The two principal arguments in the Phaedo, the one 
derived from the notions of the ancients respecting yivan^y^ 

B 4 



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isides confusing himself and his readers with 
the mazes of verbal sophistry, in which, 
notwithstanding all its excellencies, Greek 
philosophy so much abounds, he derives his 
fancied demonstrations from abstruse theo- 
ries on the properties of generation and cor- 
ruption, and the essential and eternal ar- 
chet3rpes of things; and even the most 
plausible and specious are so obscured by 

the other from his own philosophical belief concerning the 
archetypes of things, rest entirely upon such a supposi- 
tion. As the term generation was relative, and implied 
its contrary corruption^ be infers that the act of being 
bom involves the destruction of a previous existence, from 
which this present coming to life is a transition. 'O/xoXo- 
yuTdi apa ^/xTv xai Tflcurij tou^ l^aovras ht rmv TBdveoorwv ysyo- 
wai. Phaedo, Bekker, p. 80—84. 2dly. His theory rf 
eternal essences, or ideas, suggests the argument that the 
notions which the soul has of perfect equality, perfect 
good, &c. which are never found in sensible objects, prove 
that it must have existed in a previous state, its present 
knowledge being nothing more than reminiscence. The 
discussion derives an incidental value, from shewing that 
Plato had a considerable acquaintance with the law of as- 
sociation. Plato, Bekker, pars ii. vol. iii. pp. 35 — 4>4. 

Not one of the ancient philosophers before Christianity 
held the souFs immortality, without holding the jNreexist- 
ence of souls. They believed also the immortality and 
preexistence of brutes. Cudworth, Intellect. S}?st. book i. 
cap. 1. sect. 31, 32. 



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the subtlety of his language S as to be ab-. 
solutely unintelligible, except to a minfi long 
veraed in the refinements of metaphysics. 
Such theories as those in the Phasdo could 
never have convinced any one of the soul's 
immortality, unless he had been previously 
prepared to believe it ; nor coming, as they 
are supposed to have done, from the lips of 
Socrates in his dying hour, could they have 

l^ As a specimen of unmeaning subtlety, it may be suf- 
. ficient to point but that exquisite verbal trifling towards 
the end of the treatise, respecting the archetype, of even 
and odd, and its application to the question of the souPs 
immortality, o-xwrei 8s T^eg) tyis rpia^og^ p, 99. The reader is 
absolutely bewildered for some time, till at length he is 
conducted to the conclusion — that as the essence of even 
does not partake of the contrary essence odd, so the soul 
which brings life cannot partake of the contrary essence 
death, and must consequently be immortal. If we had 
not known the treatise to be a serious inquiry upon a se- 
rious occasion, we might have been tempted to think, from 
the winding up of the dialogue, that the writer intended 
to ridicule such absurdities ; Ti ouv ; to /xij ^e^ofievov rijv tou 
' aprloi} IBiav rl vvv ^ (iyofjiJil^O[iev ; 'Avapriov, l^ij. To Se Si- 
XMOv jxij Ssp^o/xevoy kol) o uv fjLO\j<Tix.ov /xij 8lp^i]Tai ; '^A/x.ovo'Gy, 
If 1], TO le SltKOV. Eisv* ^ iv Qivarov (xij SexijTai, t/ xaXou- 
fjLev ; 'AJavaroy, lipij. Oukovv ^ ^t^^ o6 U^STat davarov ; Ou. 
*A6ivaTov ipa r} ^vx^l' *A6iyuTOV. Elfv, apij* roGro (ih 89 
AnOAEAEIXGAI f wjxey ; p. 103. Vide the whole argu- 
ment, from p. 90 — 105. 



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10 

been his only consolation. K the argu- 
ment, grounded upon the compound nature 
of man ^ and the immateriality of the soul, be 
brought forward in opposition to such a view 
of the subject, it may be asked, was the phi- 
losopher so well acquainted, or are we our- 
selves, with all our additional knowledge, so 
well acquainted with the laws and properties 
of matter, as to be able to pronounce that 
the Being who ("" even according to Plato's 
creed) made the universe out of nothing, is 
limited in power, and that he could not, if 
he would, impart thought and intelligence 
to a material substance? Or have we so 
clear a. notion of spirit^ or so perfect an in- 
sight into the essential qualities of spirit^ as 
to be satisfied, that leaving the revealed will 
of the Deity out of the consideration, it is 
in itself incapable of annihilation ? 

Yet, however unsatisfectory such argu- 
ments may be, (as arguments of natural rea- 



^ The soul is divine, immortal, intelligent, uncom- 
pounded, indissoluble : the body human, mortal, without 
intelligence, concrete, disscduble. Plato, Phaedo, p. 50. 

™ Appendix, note B. 



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11 

son on the subject ever must be '*,) shall we 
assent at once to the opinion of bishop War* 
burton, that neither Plato nor any one of the 
philosophers (Socrates aldne excepted) who 
inculcated the notion of a future state them- 
selves believed in it? By what process are we 
to separate his real belief from his constant 
and positive assertions r Those declarations 
of his on which so much stress has been 
laid, that it was lawful to deceive for the 
public good, were evidently intended to be 

» Warburton's Divine Legation, book iii. sect. 2. vol. 
ii. edit. 1788. p. 11. 26. The observations of Warburton 
respecting the doctrines of the ancient philosophers, vary- 
ing with the subject matter which they embraced, whether 
legislation or philosophy, are refined and ingenious ; but 
they are neither universally true, nor are the conclusions 
he would deduce from them to be trusted. *^ I have ob- 
<' served,^ says he, ^' that those sects which joined legis- 
^' lation to philosophy, as the Pythagoreans, Platonists, 
<^ Peripatetics, and Stoics, always professed the belief of 
<^ a future state of rewards and punishments ; while those 
" who simply philosophized, as the Cyrenaic, the Cynic, 
" &c. publicly professed the contrary.'' Aristotle was 
full as much a legislative philosopher as Plato, and far 
more practical ; and yet there is no one passage in the 
whole of his works in which he directly proposes the re- 
compense of a future state as the motive of morality ; on 
the contrary, among the voluminous writings of Plato, 
there is scarcely a single treatise in which it is omitted. 



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12 

understood in a limited sense only^ and 
not as the basis of a philosophy, which 
above all others professed to have truth for 
its one and only object It is not merely 
in his more plain and practical works that 
we find his recorded opinions respecting 
the existence of a future state ; they are to 
be found in all his writings, whether moral, 
political, or physical p; they intermingle 
with the most subtle discussions in works 
which never could have been intended for 
popular instruction : and it is difficult to 
understand by what application of the well- 
known division of ancient philosophy into 
exoteric and esoteric S or by what theory of 

o Appendix, note C. 

P Vide Plato, edit. Bekker. 

Phsedo, pars ii. vol. iii. p. 106. 

Apologia, pars i. vol. ii. p. 138. 

Crito, pars i. vol. ii. p. 167. 

Epist. 7. pars iii. vd. iii. p. 448. 

Epist. S. pars iii. vol. iii. p. 400. 

Timaeus, pars iii. vol. ii. p. 45. 

Republic^ pars iii. vol. i. pp. 602 — 516. 

Gorgias, pars ii. vol. i. pp. 163. 164. 165. 

De Legibus, pars iii. vol. iii. p. 219* 

Epinomis, pars iii. vol. iii. p. 374. 
^ Appendix, note D. 



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IS 

a double sens^ devised after Plato's own 
time, the same treatise, and the same por- 
tion of a treatise, could be adapted at once 
to instruct the philosopher and to delude 
the vulgar. ' If there were certain unwrit- 
ten doctrines, which were a key to his real 
sentiments, they have not come down to 
us, and we have no means of estimating 
their value ; and it is evident that we can- 
not decide against, the actual import of 
what we know, on the supposed testimony 
o{ what is altogether unknown. But it 
will be said, the notion of a future state ' is 

' Vid Brucker,voI.i. p.660. Tennemann^s Geschichte 
der Philosophie von Wendt. art. Plato, p. 98. 

Warburton, acute as he is acknowledged to be, seems 
to write at times as if he confounded the three distinct 
ideas of esoteric treatises, unwritten doctrines, and a 
double sense to what is written. 

« Warburton, book iii. sect. 3. Whately^s Essays on 
the Peculiarities of Christianity, p. 80. Lancaster's Har- 
mony of the Law and Grospel, p. 1^. 141. 

The doctrine of the absorption of the human soul is 
frequently imputed to Plato; but it does not appear from 
his own writings that he entertained the notion^ nor in- 
deed that of the Anima Mundi in the sense generally un- 
derstood*. He never confounds the soul of the universe 
with the one first Cause, Creator, and Father of all things, 
Plato's names for the supreme Deity are, i Ai^fiioupyi;, 6 



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14 

inconsistent with his philosophical theory 
of the reunion of the soul after death, to 
the one divine and universal Mind, from 
whence it originally emanated*. Now al- 
lowing, for the sake of argument, this to be 
Plato's opinion, which is found in the, sys- 
tems of other philosophers rather than in 
his own, is it so very easy for the under- 
standing to realize to itself this notion of 
absorption into the universal spirit, in which 
all idea of personal consciousness is to be 
excluded, that we are at once to discard 

060^9 6 UoiriTvigy xm) UwHip rou 6Xo5, 6 &t) @eog, Ag^fiiwgywm 
vet Airift, ytviarecog xai ovaloig aSr/a, ^(pivw fAij fiiTi^oytra^ ov^ 
iv yj^ivta to frapiirav oZ<ray &60$ ahiiraros, i frgwros isofy 6 
(uytiTTog teig. The soul of the world, and other second 
causes, ore, tiou yeihffjfiMTci xai epyo, Atifiiovpyw dmipiTaty 
tso) fcflov, who derive all their power from the first Creator. 

Vid. Timseus, and his other philosophical works, pas* 
aim. Plotinus, Numenius, and the Platonists of the Alex- 
andrian school, give a very different account : with them 
the supreme Deity is the father of the Atj/xiou^yo;, the se- 
cond Deity, and the Anima Mundi is the third. Eu&ebius, 
Praep. Evang. lib. xi. c. 17, 18. edit. Vigeri, Paris, 1628. 

In 1;he wild and blasphemous speculations of Cerinthus 
and other early heretics, the supreme Deity is also dis> . 
tinguished from the Atj/tiougyo^, or Creator. Irenseus adv. 
Haereses, lib. i. cap. 1. 13. 16. 19. ^. 3S. lib. v. cap. 4. 

* Vid. Appendix, note E. 



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15 

every declaration of belief as insincere, 
which is at variance with the inference de- 
ducible from such a theory? Are all those 
expressions, in which the feelings of the 
man triumph over the abstractions of the 
philosopher, to be set aside in favour of a 
principle which none of those who held it 
either comprehended or consistently ex- 
plained? The best evidences of a man's 
real conviction are ifot^his speculative views, 
but those natural sentiments to which he 
gives utterance more in unison with the or- 
dinary tendencies of the human mind. On 
the lofty heights of metaphysical specula- 
tion ", clouds and darkness hover, which it 

u The speculatist may declare, if he will, that the law 
of causation cannot be' proved, and that the free-agency 
of man is disproved ; yet from the very next moment to 
the last hour of his life, the natural course of his thoughts, 
words, and actions, will be in direct contradiction to his 
theories. If he argue that the immortality of the soul 
cannot be demonstrated on the principles of pure reason, 
the desire of the heart, the " longing after immortality,"" 
will still remain ; and this (omitting revelation) is of itself 
the best evidence of its truth. 

Ai y^ ^XTiorai 4n^«l MANTEYONTAI r«vr« oSrcp^ 
Jp^eiy. Plato, 2 Epist. ad Dionys. Bekker, pars iii. vol. iii, 
p. 400. 

Warburton 



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16 

is not permitted to the limited powers of 
the most exalted intellect to disperse. "^The 
difficulties multiply in proportion as we 
ascend) and if we imagine that we have ar- 
rived at certainty, and venture to give defi- 
nite form and shape to our abstractions, we 
shall soon learn the mortifying lesson, how 
little our system will influence the prac- 
tical belief of others, or even our own, when 
opposed to the more common motives and > 
instinctive impressions of our nature. Those 
who have reflected most on such subjects 
will perhaps assent to the opinion, that if 
we would discover truth, we must pursue 
it in some lower region, in which the light 
of our moral feelings and faculties may be 
allowed to cheer and direct our path. 
These reflections, while they teach humi- 
lity to ourselves, may assist us to form a 

Warburton speaks with contempt of such inferencesi 
as proper only to poetical metaphysicians and metaphysi- 
cal poets; yet Aristotle, at least as sober a reasoner as 
himself, attributes to no argument more weight than to 
one grounded on our natural desires. Divine Legation, 
vol. iii. p. 632. Aristot. Ethic, book i. chap. 2. Rhet. 
book ii. chap. 19. 

* Appendix, note F. 



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17 

right eflrtiioate m ta the fialual Iwlief Qf the 
ftneieoit {diilosaplierft on the 8u1ag«e^ «l » 
future, existeaice. ' It ia not beoiiiae they 
give ifay to doubts and mis^¥ing»; (on 
cruch a subjeot how eould it be otherwise ?) 
it is notbeeause we meet with uiuQtel%ibJl9 
theories} this haa been the hi&to^y of met^r. 
phjBics in all ages and under all religion* i 
it ia not because these theories might lead 
to c^msfequeneea inconsistent with tlieir pof 
aitive doclarationi^ that we are to coiae at 
once to the conclusion that they had no 
belief in what they asserted, and that So- 
crates and Plato' (for we have no certain 

y If themisgii^ngs of Scxnwtee atone time are brailgbt ^ 
forward, let us remember the strength and confideiiQe of 
his assertions at othertu Vid. Pha^o, p. 190* 

Sequitup ex his nolule Socraticw acbolse dogma ; mvir 
mum esse immortalem et habere post mortem pr^mi^ 
virtutis X quod morte si^a obsignavit et eonfirmavU ^- 
erates. Videtur non tarn de ammorum po^t haqc rit«m 
feBciCate dubitasqe quam de ejus eonditioiie et Ipeo^ quo 
yefarenda sunt, si vere sunt Soeratis qum upwl Antommii 
et Maximum ^ tribuuntur, interrogatum qi)«&nam in air 
tero mundo sint ohvia> respondis^ef ^e neqvie ipsum ibi 
unquam fuisse neque cum Qllq eorum qui in4e redijUfi^t 
oolloquutum esse. Hist. Crit, Pl^il. 3ruc|(er, yp}, i. 
pp. 663, 664. 

2 Warburton and others attempt te separate the opin- 
C 



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18 

criterion by which We can separate the 
opinions of the one from those of the other,) 
m^de it the sole business of their lives to 
deceive those whom they pretended to 
teach. The general tone and temper per- 
vading their discussions is at variance with 
such an opinion. ''It is a striking feature 
in the character of Socrates, and which 
well entitles him to the admiration even of 
Christians, that, surrounded with mysteries 
which he could not explain, and in the 
midst of darkness which he could not pene- 

ions of Socrates from those of Plato. Whether the fact 
be so or not, we have no me^ns of distinguishing between 
them. As far as Plato^s own evidence is available, the 
contrary is the case. Ai^ raura ou^iv iraonor eyw if§f\ too- 
Tflov yiyqot^f ou8* Sxri ovyypafufia IIAATHNOS oilSiv ouS* 
I^Tdei, Toi hi wv kiyifisva SX2KPATOT3 f<rri. Flat. 2 Epist. 
ad Dionys. p. 406. 

I do not wish to insist on the positive testimony of this 
passage, on account of the obvious advantage it must 
have been to the philosopher to convey his instructions 
freely to his friend, through the medium of another's 
name; I am speaking of course of their opini<Hi8 on 
moral subjects. It is well known that Plato discussed 
physical questions, which Socrates did not: %eoxpArouf ii 
ireg) ftev rd ij^tnoi wpotyfietrtvofjLiVou irtp) Si r^; !k^$ f6<r€»s oulf y. 
Aristot. Metaphys. lib. i. cap. 6. 

* Appendix, note G- 



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trate, he seems to have reposed implicit 
confideuce in the benevolence of the Deity 
even unto death^ and to have believed in 

^ Socrates is full of expressions indicating that implicit 
confidence in the justice^ and benevolence of the Deity, 
which is the root and foundation of all religious faith. 

In the Theastetus, Stig oiiofjup oviaiiws SBtxos, oXX* w{ 
oUv Tf itKaiiraroSj xa) oux loriv avr^ 6/40i^Tf^ov ouSh ^ 8^ dcv 
igpiooy ai yevijrai !u dixoitfrato^. Bekker, pars ii. vol. i. 
p. 247. In the Grorgias, M^ yoip tovto fiivj to ^,v ^oa-ovZij 
XP^^9 ^<^y 7< ^S aXigtco$^ ivipa iixriov hrrl xai ou f iXo^^ti;^- 
Tffoy, aKK* mrpB^i/ivTet wtp) roureov t£ 0tw. Bekker, pars ii. 
vol. i. p. 142. Again, in the same treatise, speaking of 
the unjust and intemperate man, Ovre yoip iv aXKcp avipwwm 
v^fiXilS av ilri 6 roiouTos otrri Qscp, Bekker, pars ii. vol. i. 
p. 133. In the Theages, a treatise ascribed to Plato, *E«y 
[MV r» 0807 flkov ^, waw iroXit hntma-tts xai rap^v, §1 Si jtti), ou. 
Bekker, pars ii. vol. iii. p. 280. In the Apologia, OvBi 
e^eXirrai M 0f£oy rai rouroti trpoty^Lara, Bekker, pars i« 
vol. ii. p. 139. Vide also Alcibiades I. if this dialogue 
was really written by Plato, which admits of some doubt. 

SOC. Ou xaT^i >^uu^a *A\xifiiiSfi. 

ALC. *AK)Jt irws XP^ Atyf** ; 

SOC. ''Oti l^v B^ig MiXij, p. 878. 

SOC. *0 hrh^og 6 hfiig ^ikrlw lor) xcA vo^wnpog ^ 
UiptxXvig 6 aoV* 

ALC. Tl$ o5toj, 60 2«xpaTij; 

SOC. 0«o^, i 'AXxi/3iaSi), X. T. X. Bekker, pars ii. vol. iii. 
p. 845. 

It may be worth mentioning also, that Socrates con- 
sidered suicide a criminal act of disobedience to the Deity: 
because we are here at our post assigned us by the gods, 

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him as a rewarder qf them that diUgently 
seek hiniy in spite of all the doubts that 
confounded his understanding, and the 
wrongs and oppressions which he endured. 
Whatever were his views on the abstract 
question of the universal soul, he is uni- 
form in teaching that no happiness in this 
life was perfect, and that our happiness in 
another would depend upon our conduct 
during our present existence. He reasoned 
as Hooker rieasoned, that no sensible, no 
moral and civil perfection, was sufiBcient to 
satisfy the desires which nature had im- 
planted \ ^ He exhorted men to aspire (to 

and may not, leave without their permisnon. ToSt yi ^mi 
MoxmI, m Kc/SiK) •i Xffyiriai, to 09Wf ihm iaimif tov( fVJfMM- 
fUfoog. Phaedo, p« 18. 

c In the ConviTium of Plato^ Socrates is represented 
as making celestial love the source of every duty towards 
gods and men ; and admonishing his heai^rs, that all the 
labours and denres of the soul ought to aim at that 
supreme archetype of beauty and truth, which is peifect 
in itself, uniform and unchangeable, and in the possewon 
of which alone complete happiness can be found, C<»ivi- 
▼ium, pars ii. vol. ii. Plato, Bekker, p. 444, &c. 

Sastences like these remind us of bishop Butler^s ler- 

. mon on the Love of Grod ; and some of the most<beaati- 

ftil passages in the earlier parts of Hooker's Ecclewaslical 



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21 

use the words of Hooker) to ^something 
^ spiritual and divine ; that which exceed^ 
^ eth the reach of sense, yea somewhat 
^ above the capacity of reason, which with 
^ hidden exaltation it rather sunniseth than 
**conceiveth*/' This divine felicity in a 
future state was to consist in the contemn 
plation of truth in its substantial beauty 
and perfection, of which we only see the 
shadow here below, through the dark me* 
dium of the senses and imagination^ Hen«e 

Polity, vid. p. i&O. vol. l 8^0. edit* Leighton^s 4th aod 
5th Lectures are also written very much in the spirit of 
Platd^s exhortations ; Leighton's Works, vol. iv« 

^ Appendix, notes H and I, 

« Cedant igitur hi omnes (says Augustin, speaking of 
other sects) illis philosophis qui non dixenint beatum eisse 
hominem, fruentem corpore, vel fruentem ammo, sed 
fruentem Deo. Jugust. Civ. Dei^ lib. viii. c. 8. 

It is very true, that some of St. Augustin'^s observationa 
respecting the similarity of Plato's aentim^it? to the pre^ 
cepts of ChrifitiaQity, are applicable only to the r/efine- 
mentJB introduced by the lajter Platonists : yet Plato him- 
self certainly inculcated the notion to which the words 
above cited allude. 

f Vide that beautiful passage in the Phaedo^ unequalled 
periiaps for the flowing harmony of its itmguage in the 
whole compass of Greek literature; in which h^ da- 
ficribe^ the effisct of the passions in darkening die under^ 

c3 



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22 

his continual exhortations to die daily, (they 
are almost the words of Plato ^ ;) to subdue^ 
eyen to their utter extinction, those cor- 
rupt affections which alike darken the un- 
derstanding, and are the cause of all moral 
evil. He asserts, in the language of holy 
writ, that the wars and fightings which 
exist among mankind, proceed from the 
unruly passions that war in their members\ 
and that it was only by overcoming these, 
and practising virtue, which was an imita- 
tion of the Deity, that we could hope to 
enjoy the happiness of the Deity hereafter'. 

standing, and the power of philosophy in emancipating 
the soul from their tyranny. Plato, Bekker, pars ii. vol. 
iii. pp. 65 — 58. 

S True philosophers, ouSev aXXo avro) nrinjSeuotKriv ^ otro- 
fivijo-xsiv re xai Tctfvayai. Phsedo, Bekker, p. 16. 

^ Ka\ yap irokifiovs xa\ vrour^ig xai liAya^ odXtv ixXo ica^ 
i^et ^ TO <r£|tta( xa) ai TOt!rou Ividcift/ai. Phsedo, page £!• 
compare St. James iv. 1. 

■'Aid xa) wnpouriM yjg^ fvSivBe \xt\ff% ftCytiv Srt ra^SiTTei, 
^uyii $e 'OMOinSlS 0EX2I xarci to Stimrov. 'OMOIXlSlS 
Sf 8/xaioy xa) octov purred ^povT^cta^ yevicieu, Thesetetus, Bek- 
ker, pars ii. vol. i. p. 247. It was the saying of the Py- 
thagorean philosophers, from whom Plato .probably bor- 
rowed the sentiment : tsXo; avipanrou ofAoiooci^ 6em, Eusebius 
asserts that this idea, of its being the perfection of man to 
imitate the Deity, was taken from the Hebrew scriptures. 



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28 

In the spirit of tlie precept, which teaches 
that obedience is better than sacrifice, he 
declares that God is not propitiated by of- 
ferings and victims, but by the virtues of 
the soul, by piety, justice, and truth ^. He 
cautions his hearers against pride and high- 
mindedness, by admonishing them that the 
man who adhered to what was just, with a 
humble and well-regulated temper, would 
-enjoy happiness and the favour of the Deity, 
while he who indulged an insolent spirit, 
swelling with pride and ambition, would be 
left deserted by God. In listening to such 
sentiments, who does not recollect the lan- 
guage of inspiration, which declares that 
God resisteth the proudj and giveth grace to 
the humble^? He teaches, that not only evil 

|y T» 'AXx^jSiaJji ^flr/y. x. t. A. Eusebius, Praep. Evangel, 
lib. xi. cap. 27. Vigeri edit. Paris. 1628. Plato, Alcibiad. 
Bekker, pars ii. vol. iii. p. S68. 

^ Ra) yap iv ^eivov cTij, el vpog roi Zwpa na) reis 0ti<ria$ aiFO^ 
' jSXffTrotioriv riii&v oi Jffol, eiXXot ft^ vpos t^v ^^tlp^^v, av rts Srioc 
xa) ^Ixaiof eSv ruT^avi}. Alcibiades II. Bekker, pars i. vol. 
ii. p. 296. 

^ Vid. Plato de Le^bus, lib. iv, Bekker, pars iii. vol. 
• ii. p. 355. Eusebius, Prsep. Evangel, lib. xi. cap. 13. St. 
James, iv. 6. 

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aodosfl are to b6 avoided^ but thai light and 
idle words are to foe diuiiiied: iw an aven^^ 
ing NeuiBsis was appointed ta take account 
ofy sad aeverely to puasdi) eten these'*. 
That this veingeanoe df the gods, the wicked 
man oould bj no efforts either elude or 
escape ; if he oould take wings and fly up 
to heaven^ or could penetrate into the very 
depths of the earth, it would stiU porsae 
and seaBTch him out, either here or faeie^ 
after ^. Such naxiins are certainly adaait^ 
abk, and inferior only to that perfect wisdom 
which came from the lips of Him who 4^ke 
-€9 never tnan spake% and who jnx^sed to 
the imitatittti ci his foUoweis no imaginary 
pattern, renasoved alike from their sight and 
their- compr^ension, but descended upon 

m A$irt KCrC^QN xa) nTHN12N AOTOS fiapurini 

NifAi^H SyyiX»^. De Legibus^ lib. iv« p. S57. 

n Ot% ovTfiO (Tfuixplg eSy himi xatii to rr^ yr^ -fiiioi^ oCSf 
v4^Xo^ yt^ifiMWs tls ray ovpaviv avajFT^n, rhgis $« eeuT&Vf r^y 
wpoffixou^uv nfuopiav tir I1A0&9 fjihoov cTri xa) Iv ''AiBqu Sittoro- 
pwSili. De I«e^bi^, fib. x. p. 219. 

^ Mirantur qujdam nobis in gratia Christi sociati cum 
audiunt vel k^gunt Platonem de Deo ista ^nsitsse quse 
nuhfim congruffre veritati idigionis nogtne ^;ii08ouitt« 
Augustin. Civ. DH, lib. viii. c. 11. 



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35 

eailli, and went aboat doing good» tlte visi^ 
ble and embodied moddi and archetype of 
truth* Whether these precepts are called 
morality or philosophical purificationt which 
necessarily included within it the idea of 
morality, their natural tendency, unless 
counteracted by other causes, must have 
been benefidial^; for those only who trained 
th^nselves by them were to be admitted to 
the future happiness; those who did no(^ 
were to be exduded from it; whether the 
participataoh or exclusion were derived from 
fiome law of physkal necessity inherent in 
the soul, or depended on the decision of a 
suj^me Judge % For allusions to a fut|ire 
judgment, including as it does the idea of 
retribution in its more strict and proper 
sense, are by no means wanting. In the 
same treatise, in which we find him decl^v 
ing before the trihunal of his country, tiwft 
there was a divine voice within him which 



l> Apob^ Socratis, PlatOyBekker, pars j. vd. ii. p. 118. 
Hist. Crit. niil. Brucker, vol. i. p. BM. 

^ Phsedo, Bekker, pars ii* vol. iii. p. 107. Epist. 7. 
Bekka!, pars lia. vol. aii. p. 448. Govgias, Bekker, pars ii 
vol. i. p. 167. 



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26 

commanded him to obey God rather than 
man % he is represented as deriving consola- 
tion from the reflection that there would be 
a more just judgment hereafter. And after 
his condemnation, when his friends had 
made all things ready for his escape from 
prison, and urged him to fly from his im- 
pending fate, he refuses at once, alleging as 
the grounds of his refusal the duty of sub- 
mission to the laws : when they persist in 
their solicitations, urging that the injustice 
of the law, in condemning him though inno- 
cent, would warrant his disobedience; he 
answers them with the Christian maxim, 
that it is our duty to return good for evU*; 

' nElSOMAI AE MAAAON TQl eE12I H TMIN. Apo- 
Ic^ia, Bekker, pars i. vol. ii. p. 115. ivpvi<rn robs »$ 'AAH- 
0fIZ§ AIRASTAS, of If eg xa) Xiyovron hxtl hxal^uv. Apo- 
lo^a, p. 138. The practical effects of his belief in a fu- 
ture judgment are stated also in the Gorgias: 'Tiro rovraw 
T»¥ Xoyoov vmia/xai, xot) (rxoxw Sk»s awcfav6vfJLott tm xptr^ eog 
uyifOTonji' T^v ^^wx^v. xa/^eiv ouv iaaois rois rtfjMs reis rmv toXXwv 
otv6g<mcoy^ t^v oXijtfeiay <rxoirwv^ wupia-Ofjiat rip ivn o^ &» SvvflO- 
ILM jSeXTNTTo^ flSv xeti Qy xa) mA&v kwoivi^xm ^o0vis(rxf iv. 
T\apotxci>m II xoH rou; oAAou; mrra; avtpwirous. Grorgias, Plato, 
Bekker, pars ii. vol. i. p. 170. 

* The passage is very strong in the original : Socrates 
denies that we have the right, under any circumstances, 



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27 

assigning at the same time as the motive of 
his conduct, that he may be able to give a 
good account to the gods who reign in 
Hades ^ Thus the very same man whose 
arguments for the- soul's immortality are 
unsatisfactory or unintelligible, teaches in 
plain and simple language the right source 
of moral obligation ", the most perfect 
moral precept, and the strongest motive 
and encouragement for the practice of it 

of returning evil for evil : Oirre ap» 'ANTAAIKEIN hi otrn 
KAKX2S nOIEIN ovBivot avJgcwrcov, OTA' *AN 'OTIOTN 
nASXHI 'TIT ATTON. Crito, Bekker, pars i. vol. ii. p. 
167. 

In the Gorgias also he declares that it is better to suffer 
injustice than to commit it : 2u ipa jSouXoio £v aSixiia^eit 
fjM\Kov ri ahxiiv ; (Soc.) BouXoiftijy f/Av iv Syooys o^Sere^* cI 
S* avayxoilov elri aSixeiv ij othnuffion, l\o/fti)v iv fiaXKov ahxel" 
crSai 1) khKuv. Gorgias, Bekker, pars ii. vol. i. p. 49. 

^ MijTff iTM^ag irep) irXelovoi iroiou fAriTi to Qv fiyjfrs &Wo [jLifilv 
vpo rod hxalov, Iva ei$ "Aihv eKdoov iyr^q ravra vavTci aroXoyij- 
^ourioLv Tols sKei ap;^ou0'iv. Crit. p. 167. 

u The statement here given by no means coincides with 
the following assertions of Warburton : '^ The ancients 
<^ neither knew the origm of obligation nor the conse'^ 
" quence of obedience. Revelation hath discovered these 
" principles; and we now wonder that such prodigies of 
" parts and knowledge could commit the gross absurdities 
" which are to be found in their best discourses on mo- 
^* rality.^ Divine Legation^ lib. iii. s. 6. vol. iii. p. 144. 



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28 

in the expectation of ftiture retribntion. 
It is not iny intention to pursue the sub- 
ject at length through the different schools 
of antiquity; through the scepticism of 
some, the atheism of others, or the sys- 
tems of those who allowed the existence, 
yet denied the providence of God; nor 
to examine how far their principles are 
consistent with their ordinary precepts, and 
the comparative credit due to either in de* 
ciding upon their own belief But it may 
be, a matter of interesting inquiry to in- 
vestigate the opinions of one distinguished 
teacher, respecting a future state, who more 
than divided with Plato the empire of phi- 
losophy. It is however by no means easy 
to ascertain the sentiments of Aristotle on 
the subject: as he taught that happiness 
would be the reward of virtue in this life, 
he makes few allusions in his practical 
works to the destinies of the soul in an- 
other state of being. He never directly 
proposes the doctrine of a future retribution 
as the motive of our morality : and though 
he certainly held the soul's immortality, it 
is doubted by scmie if he believed its exist- 



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eQce alter death in a state of personal iden-* 
tity. In that important question, whether 
the abstract principles of reason or the com- 
mon opinions of mankind are the best evi«- 
dence of truth, he uniformly gives the pre- 
ference to the latter*. And if this be adopt-' 
ed as the test of his own notions in the 
present case^ he believed in the separate 
existence of the souV for he represents it 
as affected after death by the fortunes of 
its living friends': but at other times his 
language appears to be of a different ten^ 
dency; and in his metaphysical works, if 
amid many perplex;ed and obscure state^ 
ments his meaning be rightly understood", 

< Hence his cpntinual appeal ia hi» f^thica to the Urn^ 
guage of men as an evidence of truth : and in the 10th 
book, chap. 8, he observes, that the arguments of philo- 
sophers have weight when they agree with experience, 
but when they disagree they must be rejectedf 

y Aristot. Ethics, lib. i. cap. 11* 

2 Vid. Aristot. de Anima, book ii ; also more particu- 
larly book iii. chap. 5, 6. Tennemann^s Geschichte der 
PhUosophie, art. Aristotle, p. 109. Cudwortb's Intellect 
Syst. booki. §. 45. Warburton's Divine Legation, book 8. 
sect. 4. vol. iv. p. 112. No writer bat Warburton pro- 
fesses to think Aristot de Anima, book iii. chap. 5, 6. 
dear and intelligible. His theory of the TO '^N intro- 



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30 

he denies to that part, or rather power of 
the soul which he invests with immortality, 
the possession of memory, and consequently, 
by a possible though not necessary infer- 
ence, of individual consciousness \ The 
failure of the two most distinguished 
among the philosophers of antiquity may 
teach us how little the force of natural 
reason could effect in clearing up the most 
important of all subjects. Whatever they 
believed themselves, or their followers be- 
lieved, respecting a future state, could not 
have been altogether in consequence of 
their arguments. As moralists they speak 
with the tongue of men and of angels, and 
prescribe a code of moral discipline beyond 
the capacity of man to practise, but their 
reasonings for the soul's immortality, with 
some few exceptions, began and ended in 
speculations alike inconceivable and unpro- 
fitable, and left the common expectations 
of mankind, loaded as they were with ab- 
surdity, a better guide even to themselves 

duced to explain the difficulty is an assumption, not an 
argument. 

a Appendix^ note K. 



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81 

than all the abstractions of philosophy 
How often must Plato have felt, when 
baffled and perplexed by the subtlety of 
his own reasonings, the wish which he once 
so strongly expressed^ that the Deity would 



^ The woids avetyxaUv oSv hr) %ipifuhf$w l»; ofv ti; f&ati) 
tii iil irgo; 08ou( xa) %pos av$^wKQvs Siaxeiordoi. Alcib. Uort ouv 
TrapioTon 6 XS^^^S oSto^^ co Scvxpare^; xa) rig 6 waihiicooVy ^i- 
trret ycip Sv pioi Boxw iSeiv toutov tov iv&pooirov rls eoriv, have 
been frequently cited by theologians as a proof that So- 
crates expected some divine Teacher to appear upon 
earth ; and it was with this impression that the remarks 
were make in the text. If however the passage be fully 
examined in connection with the dialogue that follows to 
the end of the treatise, it will appear very dubious whe- 
ther they have any such meaning. The more probable 
import seems to be, that Socrates is speaking of himself, 
as the teacher who watched over the interests of Ald- 
biades, but he was aware that his disdple would not re- 
ceive his instructions till his mind at some future period 
should be less clouded by passion, and .become better 
prepared to distinguish between good and evil. Alci- 
biades II. Bekker, pars i. vol. ii. pp. S96-*298. Nor will 
the passage in the Republic, (outao Siaxcifuvo; 6 hixeuog .... 
avo((r;^ivSvXffuS^o-fTai, Bekker, p. 66.) which is refejjed to 
by Blackwall and many other learned men, as a prophetic 
description of our Saviour's crucifixion, appear to admit 
any application of the kind, if the whole discussion con- 
cerning justice and injustice, be calmly considered from 
the commencement of the book to the words alluded to. 
Repub. lib. ii. Bekker, pp. 57 — 66. 



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82 

appoint aome one to reveal hia will to 
man, and enlighteii his mind upon mb- 
jects too excellent fixr human intellect to 
attain to ! 

Let us turn from the speculations of pa- 
gan philosophy, to consider the belief of 
the Jewish people respecting a future state 
of retribution, possessing as they did the 
benefits of a divine revelation. 

""The opinion has been maintained and 
supported with great learning and ability, 
that throughout the Old Testa^ment, from 
Moses to the captivity^ the Israelites had 
not the doctrine of a future state of re- 
wards and punishments ; and that so much 
as an intelUgihle hint of it U not fqund in 
the Mosaic law. 

That b^ipg omitted in the sanctions of 
the l^w, it was clearly never intended to be 
revealed to them. 

That, in quality pf historian as well as of 
legislator Mo^e§ is §ilent on the subject, 
and seems designedly to conceal the future 
immortality. . / 

o Warburton^s Divine Legation of Moses, book v. 
sect. 5. vol. iii. pp. 131—184. edil. 1788. 



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33 

"^That the extracmlinary providence which 
under the Jewish dispensation extended 
both to the state and the particular mem- 
bers of the state, would prevent any of that 
feeling arising from the unequal distribu-* 
tion of things, which, under the ordinary 
course of God's providence, so naturally di^ 
rects the hopes of men to the recompense 
of another life. 

These propositions are certainly at vari- 
ance with the general sentiments^ on the 
subject; and it may not be unprofitable 
briefly to examine as well into their truth 
or falsehood, as also into the nature of that 
foundation on which they are supposed to 
rest. 

• Now it will readily be allowed by every 

d Book V. sect. 4. vol. iii. pp. 118 — 131. 

c Davison on Prophecy, p. 166. Maimonides and the 
most eminent Jewish doctors maintain that eternal life is 
to be found in the law, and that it is to be believed, not 
from other considerations^ but because it is in the law. 
For the mode in which they support their interpretations 
vide Pearson on the Creed, edit. Oxford, 1797. 8d vol. 
p. 464. Warburton, Dedicat. to the Jews, Sd vol. p. dSS. 

Warburton, book vi. sect. 3. vol. iii. p. 843. has cited 
the texts adduced by Manasseh Ben- Israel from the Pen- 
tateuch, in his tract de Resurrectione Mortuorum. For 



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34 

candid inquirer, that, using the term Mo- 
sate law in its strict itnd limited sense, as 
the code delivered on mount Sinai, the 
doctrine of future retribution is not to be 
found in it For the cabalistic interpre- 
tations and distortions of words and phrases, 
by which many of the Jewish rabbin at- 
tempt to establish a different opinion, are 
too absurd to require refutation ; and those 
solemn expressions of Moses, / caU heaven 
and earth to record this day against you^ 
that I have set before you life and deaths 
blessing and cursing, therefore choose life, 
which some theologians understand of a 
future and eternal life, appear, when taken 
in connection with their context, to refer, 
in their simple and primary sense at least, 

the immortality, Exod. xix. 6. xxxiii. 20. Levit. vii. 25. 
Deut. xiv. 1, S. xxii. 7. xxxii. 47. For the re$urTection, 
Gen. iii. 19. xxxvii. 10. Exod. xv. 6. Levit. xxv. Numb. 
XV. 30. xviii. £8. Deut. iv. 4. xxxii. 39* xxxiiL 6. He 
has also given at length Rabbi Tanchum^s ridiculous 
Comment on 1 Sam. xxv. 29. Vide also Michaelis Argu- 
menta Immortalitatis, sect 9. p. 96. Syntagma Comment 
Goettingse 1759* who enumerates several texts from the 
Diatribe of Theodorus Dassovius, some of which are the 
same with those mentioned above^ others different. 



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S5 

to the benefits of this life only ^ And most 
certainly this promise of temporal good and 
evil on the part of the legislator, as the 
recompense of obedience or disobedience^ 
when combined with the historical fact, 
that the fortunes of the Jewish people for 
ages areJn exact accordance with it^ an 
agreement which no human wisdom could 
have foreseen, and no human power could 
have fulfilled, does prove that the legis- 
lator himself was an ambassador from hea*^ 
Yen, and that he must have been appointed 
by that omniscient and omnipotent Being, 
who alone could make the contingent de- 
signs and contingent operations of free 
agents, whether acting individually or as 
nations, contribute to the accomplishment 
of his own certain and unchangeable pur* 

^ Deut. XXX. 19. Mr. Peters contends that the Abrs^ 
hamic covenant was renewed in this chapter, and bishop 
Bull understood it in the same way. Vid. Critical Disser- 
tation on Book of Job, by Mr. Peters, part iii. sect. S. 
also bishop Bull's Harmon. Apostol. Dissert. Poster, 
cap. 11. This able divine argues very strongly through- 
out the chapter in favour of the hypothesis alluded to. 

s Vid. Joshua xxiii. 14. AU are come to pass unto you^ 
and not one thing hath Jailed thereof. 

d2 



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86 

poses. But to argue that, in consequence 
of this omission, it was intended by Moses^ 
or rather by the Almighty, whose servant 
he was, that the Jews should be shut out 
from the knowledge of a future state, would** 
imply a far greater acquaintance with the 
counsels of divine wisdom than we may 
presume to lay claim to. The question, 
whether the Jews believed on such a doc- 
trine or not, would depend upon the means 
they might have of acquiring information 
from other sources besides their legal code; 
and whether the necessary effect of the 
Mosaic code would be to check or anni- 
hilate every other source of instruction. 
In order to understand the subject rightly 
it is necessary to keep in mind the object 
of that law, which was', to preserve the 

b The law in its sanctions is only posiHve, that God 
will do so much, not eaccbmvef that he will do nothing 
more. Davison on Prophecy, p. 176. 

Warburton^s work was translated into German in 17£1. 
J. D. Michaelis published a short DissertaticHi (if not 
written, corrected by him) against it, Argumenta Im- 
mortalitatis Animorum humanorum ex Mose collecta. 
Gt)etting8e 175S. Vide Schrockh* viii. Theil. vol. xliii. 
p. 753. 

» Warburton, book v. sect. 2. vol. iii. p. 66. 



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37 

memory of the one God in an idolatrous 
world, till the coming of Christ. And it is 
difficult to conceive how this object could 
be effected by any other than temporal re- 
wards ; by any other than some signal and 
visible manifestations of the divine power, 
which might convince the heathen nations 
that the God of the Hebrews was indeed a 
God that doeth wonders, and might recall 
to the carnal-minded Jew himself, when 
tempted to forget his Benefactor, by the 
immediate vengeance attendant upon trans- 
gression, a sense at once of his obligations 
and his privileges :*" / will send my fear 
before ihee^ and will destroy all the people to 
whom thou shalt com£, and I will make all 
thine enemies turn their backs unto thee. 

^And five of you shall chase an hundred^ 
and an hundred of you shall put ten thou- 
sand to flighty and your enemies shall fall 
before you by the sword. 

Such was the promised recompense of 
obedience ; but in case of disobedience the 
threat is denounced: . 

J^ Exod. xxm..a7. i Levit. xxvi. 8. 

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38 

"/ unll set my face against you^ and ye 
shall be slain before your enemies. 

" And I will scatter you among the hea- 
theny and will draw out a sword after you^ 
and your land shall be desolate and your 
cities waste. 

Nor does it appear that this promise of 
temporal good, as many of the opponents 
of Warburton* contended, was confined to 
the nation jonly: health and wealth, ferti- 
lity to the field and fruitfulness to the 
cattle, the blessing of the olive and the 
vine, the basket and the store, every kind 
of prosperity, was promised to the indivi- 
dual also ; yet as well to the individual as 
to the state, in reference to the main ob- 
ject, the preservation of both from idolatry, 
which would generally be best effected by 
the more striking example of national bless- 
ings and national punishments. Yet it is 
difficult to understand how.sudi a condi- 
tion of things should destroy in the minds 
of the people either those natural expecta- 

"» Levit. xxvi. 17. « Levit. xxvi. 88. ^ 

^ Mr. Peters and other oppcments of Warburton. 



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39 

tions which the rest of mankind cherished 
in regard to a future state^.or the authority 
of revelation, supposing the doctrine were 
contained in other inspired writings, which 
they acknowledged, besidesi the ordinances 
of their legal code. The extraordinary 
providence under which they lived could 
not justify the ways of God to man upon 
the ground of reason, as a rewarder of them 
that diligently seek hiroj for (it has been well 
remarked) though an ewtrtwrdinary provi- 
dence^ it was not an equal providence, and 
under such a dispensation as the Mosaic 
(with reverence be it spoken) Omnipotence 
itself could not make it so. If the land 
suffered for its transgressions and became 
captive to its enemies, it is hardly possible 
to imagine that some innocent. individuals 
should not have suffered with it. We read 
in the books of Moses, that when one par- 
ticular person had committed the offence, 

P Mr. Peters (p. S6S.) observes, that an extraordinary 
providence does by no means include or infer an equal 
providence. Mr. Lancaster has very properly remarked 
on the egregious faUacy of Warburtou in confounding 
the two ideas. Vide Mr. Lancaster's Harmony of the 
Law and the Gospel, p. 157. 

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40 

the whole army and nation was punished 
for his sin, though ignorant of it. In like 
manner, subjects were punished for the dis- 
obedience of the king. Again, when the 
father offended, his innocent children and 
family were cut off with him ; and, suppos- 
ing they escaped the legal penalty, the loss 
of the father would itself be an infliction 
of evil on his kindred. The author of the 
Divine Legation has called circumstances 
like these^ inequalities of events, and neces- 
sarily arising from an equal providence % 
as if by a change of phrase tie could get rid 
of the fact, that under such a dispensation 
the innocent suffered with the guilty ; and 
that it was even a necessary and appoint- 
ed part of it for the crimes of the fathers 
to be visited upon the children. Yet, amid 
such inequalities, have we any reason to 

q Warburton's Divine Legation, book v. sect 4. vol. iii. 
p. 121. 

He attempts also most paradoxically to shew that the 
sacred writers, when they speak (more particulariy in the 
Book of Psalms and Ecclesiastes) of the inequalities of 
Providence and the unfit distribution of things^ allude to 
a dispensation existing among their pagan neighbours, 
and not in Judaea. Book v. sect 4. vol. iii. p. 190. 



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41 

suppose that the peculiar people of God, 
favoured as they were acknowledged to be^ 
should have been deprived of those hopes 
of future recompense, in which every other 
nation under heaven, when oppressed with 
calamity, could find consolation? And 
strong as the sanctions of their temporal 
code might be as a motive of moral con^* 
duet, have we any probable grounds for 
supposing that the Almighty excluded from 
the breast of the Jew the fear of future rc^ 
tribution, which, in many secret offences 
to which the law cannot reach, provides a 
surer check than temporal evils or tempo- 
ral death, and which, even under such a reli- 
gion as paganism, had a powerful operation 
in deterring men from transgression : for 
we have the testimony of one of their own 
writers that it was the inordinate lusts and 
passions of men that made them atheists'"? 
Nor is it necessigiry for us to explain why, 
if it were intended that the Jewish people 
should look forward to the good or evil of 
the future life, it was not niade a part of 

' 'AxfttTf /« 48ov«v xm) hr^tufjuow. Plato de Legibus, lib. x. 
Bentley^s First Sermon on the Folly of Atheism. 



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42 

the sanctions of their law. We cannot rea- 
son clearly on the purposes of the Almighty, 
who knows better than we do the compre- 
hensiveness of his own designs, and the 
best method and the best time of accom- 
plishing them : The secret things belong 
unto the Lord, but those things which are 
revealed belong unto us and to our children 
for ever\ Yet if we reflect upon the me- 
thod which God had appointed, by which 
man was to be made partaker of eternal 
life, the propitiation of Christ and not his 
own merit or obedience, we may be led to 
understand why the promise of eternal life 
was not given in the law*. Those who lived 
under such a system might in that case 
have supposed that the gift of eternal life, 
was annexed as the deserved reward of obe- 

• Deut xxix. 29. 

' The apostle^B answer will serve me ; Por ifAere had 
been a law which could have given Ufe^ verily rtghteous- 
fiess should have been by^ the law^ Gal. iii. 21. that is, if 
the genius of the law had produced such a dispensation 
as was proper to convey to mankind the free gift of life 
and immortality, this gift would have been conveyed by 
it. Warburton, vol. iii. book v. sect. 6. p. 16S; vid. also 
p. 162. Mr. Lancaster's 'Harmony, preface, and p. 11. 
and 12. 



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48 

dience to the law ; that the law was iii it- 
self perfect, and sufficient for man's justifi- 
oation, and not the shadow of good things 
to come, and the preparation of a system 
founded upon better promises. It is evi- 
dent from the Epistles of St. Paul, that it 
was their confidence in the allsufficiency of 
legal ordinances which wrought so strongly 
on the ancient Jews in their obstinate re- 
jection of the gospel ; they believed ^that 
their scriptures held out the blessing of im- 
mortality as the destined portion of Israel ; 
and they were persuaded, that, if not di- 
rectly taught in the law, it was implied in 
it, and would be given to the faithful Is- 
raelite through the instrumentality of its 
sanctions alone. Supposing then eternal 
life had been the explicit promise of the 
Mosaic code, all these errors would have ac- 
quired tenfold strength ; their bitter aver- 
sion to the gospel would in sone degree 
have been built upon reason, rather than 
upon blind prejudice; and some of the most 
powerful arguments, urged by the apostle 
to overcome the obstinacy of his country- 
men, would have lost much of their force 



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44 

and propriety. And this reliance of their 
forefathers on the privileges of their law 
has heen more than continued and con- 
firmed in the breasts of the modem Jews. 
The perverted " ingenuity of rabbinical in- 
terpreters since the dispersion of Israel, su- 
peradded to the ancient traditions, has in- 
spired them with the full conviction that 
eternal life is expressly revealed in the law; 
and to this, among other causes, may be 
ascribed the tenacious adherence with which 
the scattered remnant of the Jewish people 
still cling to the ancient dispensation *. If 
these reflections be well-founded, the no- 
tion of a double covenant and a^ twofold 
law proposed by Moses, as of positive enact- 
ment, the one his own national covenant 
with temporal promises, the other the Abra- 
hamic covenant with eternal life, a theory 
which some eminent divines have adopted 
with a vitiW of reconciling difficulties, would 
be in itself an improbable hypothesis ; nor 

u More eqieciallj of Maimomdes^ who lived ia the 
12th century. 

^ Vid. Mr. Lancaster^ s Supplementary Remarks, p. 
878. 



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46 

are the words upon which this idea is 
grounded sufficient to support the supers- 
structure raised upon them. 

From this general view of the question^ it 
is time to appeal to the word of God, and to 
examine how far the promises and prophe- 
cies relative to the future redemption con- 
tained in the inspired writings, previous to 
the captivity, together with those sentiments 
and turns of expression which meet our eyes 
almost in every page, are consistent with the 
opinion that the peculiar people of God 
were shut out from the knowledge of a Ai- 
ture state. In making this examination, 
we should be cautious of attributing too 
much weight to the inferences we are now 
enabled to draw, by means of the fall reve- 
lation we enjoy, from passages whether in 
the law of Moses or in other parts of the 
Old Testament ^ The words that convey to 
our minds clear notions of a future state 
might not have appeared in the same light 
to the understanding of the ancient Jews. 

y Vide some very just remarks in Dr. Whately^s Essays 
on the peculiarities of Christianity, p. 49* on the passage 
dted by our Lord himself against the Sadducees. 



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46 

But not to insist upon inferences more or 
less doubtful from particular texts, it would 
seem extraordinary, if, intrusted as they 
were with the oracles of God* in which the 
scheme of mercy and deliverance from the 
death denounced upon Adam and his pos- 
terity is the one great object, proceeding 
gradually to its accomplishment, from the 
fall to the birth of our Saviour, they could 
passively and without reflection have yielded 
themselves to the punishment of Adam» the 
bitter sting of death, without meditating 
upon the promises and blessings scattered 
through the same early records which re- 
lated the original transgression. In a nar- 
rative so concise as the history of the fall 
is, we cannot determine with what degree 
of clearness the revelation of redemption, 
and of future triumph over the tempter, was 
conveyed to the minds of our first parents 
in the curse pronounced upon the serpent, 
that his head should be bruised by the seed 
of the woman : but it is impossible (as War* 
burton himself allows) thd,t the words could 
have been understood in the' bare literal 
sense ; and without attempting to give any 



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47 

undue exient to their signifidttion, through 
the reflected light thrown upon them sub- 
sequently by the progressive developement 
of the Almighty's purposes, it is surely most 
probable, (because most consistent with that 
uijion of justice and mercy which pervade 
all the divine dispensations,) that at a time 
when the Father of mankind was bowed 
down under the weight of a penalty which 
condemned him to eat bread with the sweat 
of his brow, till he returned to the dust 
from whence he came, they were intended 
to convey to him the only hope of which he 
could be susceptible, the anticipation of 
final deliverance from his misery. What 
reflections would naturally suggest them- 
selves to the ancient Israelite, when, bearing 
this promise in mind, he was taught, as he 
proceeded in the sacred volume, that God 
looked with an eye of regard on the sacri- 
fice of Abel, and rejected the offering of 
Cain, and yet suffered the same righteous 
Abel to be murdered through envy excited 
by his righteousness ! He might read that 
the patriarchs of his race were the friends 
and favourites of God, and yet were Strang- 



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48 

ers and pilgrims upon earth; and while 
they rejoiced that their pilgrimage was 
drawing to a close, and they were about to 
be gathered to their fathers^ would he be- 
lieve that this joy was excited by the termi- 
nation of their earthly labours in the in- 
sensibility of the grave ; and that being '^w- 
thered to their fathers meant no more than 
that the same sepulchre which had covered 
the bones of their fathers should soon be 
the receptacle of their own ? We learn that 
Abraham looked for a city which hath 
foundations, and that he was commanded 
to train up his children and household 
in the way of the Lord*; and would the 
memory of these instructions be eradicated 
entirely from the breasts of the children 
of Abraham? ''Can we imagine that the 

« Warburton allows that the origin of this phrase must 
have been derived from the notion of a common reoepta- 
de for souls, voL iii. book vi. sect. 3. p. 820. Michaelis 
observes, that the Hebrew word signifies non congregaHy 
solum sed et hospitio excipi. Argumenta immortalitatis 
sect, 17. i-poo-fTffc) Trpoj tw Xaiv awroo. Sept, Interp. Geneas 
XXV. 8. 17. XXXV. 29. xlix, 83. Numbers xx. 24, 26. xxvii. 
18. xsxi. 2. 

a Vid. Genesis xviii. 19. Hebrews xi. 10. 17, 18, 19. 

^ << It app^rs that Eqpch preached to the age in which 



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49 

t]»nstetk» ci Enodi would hxre awakened 
no reflectioiis^ intended as we may sup- 

<< he li?ed» the doctrhie «f a future judgment ; hia extnu 
^' ordinaiy death would be a confirmation of its truth.^ 
Jude 14, 16. Davison on Prophecy^ p. 122. 

Quoniam quidem Enoeh placens Deo^ in quo j^acuit 
^oerpore tnmsiatus est, tranda^ionem ju^iofnim prtemon^ 
Strang, &c. IrenseuB adversus Haereses, lib. v. cap. 5. 
p. 439* edit. Paris. 1676. 

The ancient feithers do not enter into the question, ex^ 
cept iacidentallj, as to the belief of the Jews in the inu 
mortality of the soul, and a future state of rewards and 
punishments ; for it does not appear in the early history of 
the church to have been much controverted, and the 
ChriiCiaat apologistv hi general allude to it aa if it wa:e 
an acknowledged doctrine of the old dispensation, whetlior 
they are writing against Jews or against Gentile philoso- 
phers. Thus Eusebius, (Praepar. EvMigel. lib. x. xi.) in 
arguing (with what justice it mattere not to the present 
question) that the GentilQ sages borrowed all that is valu- 
able in their writings from the Hebrews, speaking of 
Plato^ observes, ** That he derived his notions of the 
<^ souPs immortality from Moses, and that there waa no dif- 
<< ference in their opinions on the subject C ««) h r<uf wifli 

K. T* X. lib« xi. c. S7, Vigeri edit, Paris. 162& It is acarce- 
ly necessary to remark that the assertion is beyond the 
truths but it will at least serve to pK)ve> with many other 
passages that might be adduced, that Eusebius did not 
agree with Warburton as to the doctrine either of Plato 
(NT the anaent Jew3. The argument indeed throughout 
this, treatise, as well as the Demonstratio Evangdica 

£ 



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60 

pose it to have been, since so many pa- 
triarchs and righteous men were suffered, 
to die the common death of all men, not 
so much as a privilege to himself, as a les- 
son to his own age and succeeding genera- 
tions. And are all those expressions in the 
Old Testament, more especially in the Pro- 
phets and the Psalms, which appear to us 
clearly to point to a future life, satisfacto- 
rily explained by Warburton, who uniformly 
interprets the plain as relating to this life 
only, and the figurative as illustrative of 
some other truth, to be conveyed through 
the medium of a figure, which in itself was 
not intended to be considered as having any 
foundation in truth **? Thus such expres- 

clearly evinces, that he did not suppose either the patri- 
archs or the people of Israel to have looked only to trans- 
itory promises. 

c Divine Legation, book vi. sect. 2. vol. iii. p. 812. 
Warburton, in combating Dr. Felton^s plain and simple 
principle, that all words used in a figurative sense must 
first be understood in^ literal, adopts the same argument 
which the opponents of TertuUian made use of when 
they attempted to refute the doctrine of the resurrection. 
They asserted that the language of the prophets was to 
be understood figuratively, to which Tertullian replies^ 
" Si omnia figurae, quici erit illud cujus figuraB?*" In con- 



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51 

sicms as these, Thy dead men shall liveyto^ 
ge^^er with my dead body shall they arise \ 
might be used ^by the prophet without his 
conveying, or intending to convey, the no- 
tion that his dead body would arise. And 
that bold and sublime description of the 
prophet, in which the souls in* Hades are 
represented as rising to meet the king of 
Babylon at his coming, according to this 
mode of interpretation, would be consider^ed 
as intelligible, without the supposition that 



firmadoQ, he appeals to the well-known passage in £ze- 
kiel, chap« xxxvii. which they declared to be figurative, 
4iiid to convey no promise of a resurrection to the hous^ 
of Israel, but the assurance of temporal prosperity, and 
the reunion of their scattered tribes ; his answer is, '^ Non 
^^ posset de ossibus figura componi si non id ipsum ossi- 
<< bus eventurum esset, nam etsi figmentum veritatis in 
^ '^ imagine est, imago ipsa in veritate est sui.'*^ TertuU, de 
JResurred. Camis cap. S9, 80, 81. Sculteti Syntagma, 
pap. 4. sect; 3. Vide Warburton^s remarks on the chapter 
of Ezekiel alluded to, vol. iii. p. 314. book vi. sect. S. 
Bishop of Bristol's Eccles. Hist. p. 282. 

d Isaiah xxvi. 19. Few will agre^ with the observation 
of Warliurton, that ^^ there was no occasion for the doc- 
'^ trine of t,he resurrection to make the language intelli- 
.♦^gible.V Warburtony vol. iii. p. 313; still less, " that an 
•' image is of more force for its being unknown^ p. 814. 

E 2 



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63 

Haded eitisted tts a teeeptade fi>r 80ul8^ 
Hell from beneath m m&ted t& meet ^m at 
thy coming; it stirreth up ^ dead for tbee^ 
even all the chief ones of the earth; it hmlh 
raised up from their thrones all the kings ^ 
the nations. All they shall speak aad say 
unto thee. Art thou als9 become weak as wef 
Art thou become like one ofusf 

Not to mention many other passages, 
especially in the Prophets and the P^safana^ 
which are sufficient to shew that the idea 
was prevalent among the Jews, of Hades 

« W^rburton^ book vi. sect. 3. p. 8S7. Itsaah xiv. 9> 10. 
Warburton always translates SMol xhegrofoe: but there 
are above sixty places in the Old Testament where the 
word occiu^, and it is constantly reodered Hades by the 
Seventy, except in one or two places at most. Peters cm 
the Book of Job, p. SSS. 

'^ Amongst all the ancients, whether heathens, Je^M^ or 
'* Christians, the usual acceptation othett was, t&atit was 
^ the common lodge or habitation ci separated souls both 
^* good and bad, wherein each of them, acoordii^ to their 
^ deserts in this life, and t^ir expectationfl of the future 
^' judgment, remained either in j(^ or miseiy.^ YideCW- 
Ucci ERstory of the AfOsHUf Creed; a most aUe and 
learned work by an ancestor of the present lord King; 
art. Deseeni into HeU. 

^ Psalm Ixxxvi. 18. Prov. xv. 24. F^m xvi. 1ft Ptov. 
ix. 18. Job xxvi. 6. 



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68 

being tJie ' r^oB of the departed, and that 
they diTided this region, and assigned a dif- 
ferent habitation in it for the reception of 
the righteoua and the wicked^. A^n, the 
more plain and direct expressions, which 
aare generally understood as referring to a 
future state, are forced from their natural 
and obvious sense by the author of tb6 Di^ 
vine Iiegati<Hi, and restricted in their im^ 
port to this life only : T^u wilt not leav9 
my eaul in heS, neither wilt thou suffer thine 
hoiky One to ^ee corruption \ might have 
signified to the Jews of old, Thou wilt 
not suffer me to fall immaturely ; The 
righteojus halh hope in hi^ death \ The right- 
eous hath hope that ha shall be delivered 
from the most imminent dangers. Nor does 
the expression, iMM have their portion in 



% Luke xvi. parable of the rich man and Lazarus. Mr. 
Peters on the Book of Job, sect. 8. 

^ Psalm xvi. 10. An acquaiBtanoe with the xipinipnB of 
£{nphaniusy Athaaasius, Origen, and other ancient fa- 
thers respecUi^ this text, might have rendered Warhur- 
ton more cautious in hazarding an interpretation whidi 
has no merit but that of novelty to recoininend it. 

> Proverbs xiv. 32. 

e3 



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54 

this life \ mark, according to such principles 
of interpretation, any opposition between 
this life and another. It is needless to mul- 
tiply other passages of the same kind, which 
will readily suggest themselves to all who 
are conversant with the Old Testament, 
and which no acuteness and ingenuity can 
explain away. But that celebrated passage 
in the Book of Job \ which would seem de- 
cisive of the question, I have purposely 
omitted ; because, as many commentators of 
great knowledge and candour have doubted 
whether it referred to a future state or not, 
it would certainly be inadmissible as a proof 
in a controverted question, till, after a cri- 
tical examination of the original in con- 
nection with the context, its validity as k 
testimony were fully established. And theo- 
logians should ever bear in mind, that no 
greater injury can be done to the cause of 

k Psalm xyii. 14. 

^ Job xix. ^. Amid the conflicting opinions of com- 
tnentators, it is difficult for me to come to any conclusion 
on the subject. None indeed but a good Hebrew scholar 
is competent to the investigation : but while any doubt 
remains, it should not be received as a testimony in a 
matter of such importance. 



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truth, especially to that of religious truth^^ 
than bringing forward with indiscreet zeal 
any questionable or doubtful evidence in 
support of a doctrine. The adversary might 
adduce it as a confession of weakness in a 
cause which had recourse to such assist- 
ance; a presumption which can never be 
excited against an argument founded upon 
a comprehensive view of the general tenor 
aBd language of revelation. Nor has any 
appeal been made to the prophecy of Daniel, 
because it is allowed by all, that at the time 
when Daniel wrote the belief of a future 
state, from whatever cause, was generally 
prevalent among the Jewish people. Suffi- 
ci^it indications remain, without calling in 
the aid either of such specific declarations 
or more doubtful inferences, to convince 
every diligent and candid inquirer that 
the ancient fathers of the Jewish church 
did not look merely to transitory promises ; 
unless we are to believe, that, because they 
had a legal code, with temporal advantages 
annexed for a particular purpose, they were 
to close their hearts against the natural je- 

flections which suggested themselves to all 

E 4 



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56 

other meii) and close their eyes i^inst ail 
the instruction to be derived firom the reve^ 
lation they possessed. Nor does the opiniooy 
that both Jew and Gentile beliered in a 
future state detract from the daims of the 
gospel as having brought life and immor- 
tality to Ught. The Gentiles assented to 
the truth, they knew not why, from the 
common apprehensions of nature ; but their 
expectations, thou^ connected with the 
idea of responsibility and future judgment, 
were vague and uncertain; and we have 
seen from the example of the philosophera^ 
who went on for ever learning, yet never 
voming to <i knowledge of the truth, how 
little they could give a reaeon of the hope 
that, was in them. And the Jew, though 
taught by many a prophetic vision, or in- 
structive narrative, or consoling prcmiise, or 
significant type, to cherish the hope of the 
immortal life, which the sin of Adam had 
forfeited, through the medium of a Deli- 
verer who was to be one of his descendants, 
had not, and could not have, that disttnct 
and definite knowledge of the nature and 
method and ben^ts of redemption whidh 



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57 

was reserred till the coming of Him in 
wliom erery type and prophecy and pro- 
mise were to receive their full accomplish- 
ment. The Israelite of old^ in his journey 
throu^ the ¥rilderne6s of life, was streogtli- 
ened and cheered as he drank of the brodk 
by the way, or of the fountain here and 
there gushing" forth from the rock ; but the 
living weU wafi wanting, whose constant 
and abundant waters are ever present to 
us, for the comfort and refreshing of our 
souls. He was conducted to his eternal 
inheritance by a light shining in a dark 
jdace^ that pointed out dimly the glories 
of the future Redeemer, like that ^llar <3f 
a cloud through which the glory of the 
Lord appeared, and which guided his foot- 
steps through the desert to the possession 
of his temporal Cinaan. hn the fulness of 
time the Sun of righteousness arose with 
Aea&ng in his wings^ and all those clouds 
throu^ which the li^t had dione dimly 
on the eye of the faithful were dispersed 
before him. God sent forth his Son pro- 
claiming peace on earthy and good^wiU to- 
wards men^ revealed clearly in his offices of 



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58 

Redeemer, Sanctifier, and Mediator, so ne^ 
oessary to the wants, so encouraging to the 
hopes, so soothing to the apprehensions of 
man. We need no longer perplex our- 
* selves with difficult questions respecting 
the soul's immortality : having died to re^ 
deem us from iniquity, our Lord rose again 
from the dead, in order to assure us of 
eternal life, by teaching us the resurrection 
of the body; a truth which alone could 
convey in a satisfactory manner to the 
understanding of man the doctrine of' a 
future retribution. And if from a sense of 
our imperfection, we tremble at the ex- 
pectation of judgment to come^ we may 
derive encouragement from the assurance 
that God hath committed all Judgment to 
the San^ who himself partook of man's na- 
ture, and is touched with a feeling of hu- 
man infirmity. The speculative disputer 
may still object that there are many diffi- 
culties that perplex, and mysteries not 
fully explained, and to the finite under- 
standing of man they must ever remain so. 
There is a progressive order in the dispen- 
sations of Almighty Wisdom j which it is 



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59 

possible may not yet be tenninated* As' 
the light which appeared to them of old 
time was only the dawning of that compa. 
rative fulness of light which we how enjoy, 
Christianity itself may be only the dawning 
of that perfect light which shall shine upon 
us in our glorified state ; when, in the lan- 
guage of St. Augustin, ^ the disposition of 
^^ them that thirst shall be changed into the 
" affection of them that taste and are re- 
" plenished "." Instead of indulging in 
unprofitable speculations, we should place 
implicit confidence in the benevolence and 
wisdom of the Deity, and rest persuaded 
that he has fed us with spiritual food con*^ 
venient for us, and revealed all that was 
suitable to the capacities of our moral and 
intellectual improvement. And instead of 
giving way to distrust, because every diffi- 
culty is not cleared up, and which perhaps 
to beings constituted as we are, never could 
be, we should walk forward as men assured 
of our final inheritance, having our hope in 
heaven, our labour on earth, our reward in 

^ Hooker^s Ecclesiastical Polity, vol. i. p. 259. 8vo. edit 



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60 

both : cm eartli, the inestimttble peace of a 
conscience void of offbnce ; and in heaven, 
that peace with God, the author and finis^r 
of our faith, which indeed passeth all un- 
d»8tanding^ 

^ Dn Whately, in his ingenious Essay on a Future State^ 
has placed too much reliance on the bold assertions of 
Warburton ; irho, with all his learning and dexterity in 
applying it^ is by no means a safe guide. His learning is 
often superficial, and his reasoning sophisticaL Had the 
author of the Essays on the Peculiarities of Christianity 
pursued the inquiry independently for Iiimself, with no 
other aid than the resources oThis own candid, Tigonras, 
and argumentative mind, I am satisfied that his ^nr^yijow 
on the subject would have been less liable to be mistaken. 
The words of Aristotle, when criticising the political 
dreams of his liral in philosophy, may justly be apfdied 
to characterize the Divine Legaticm of Warburton. 

Tl ftf y UEPITTON S^outri vivr^ oi Xoyoi^ xa) to KAINO- 
TOMON, xcA TO ZHTHTIKON* xak»s Hi irirra "taws ^aXewiv. 
PoL Aristot. lib. ii. cap. 4. 



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APPENDIX. 



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APPENDIX. 



A. 

Orpheus, Pythagoras, Thales, Anaxagoras, 
all travelled into other coantries, and from thence 
derived the greater part of their philosophical* 
tenets. The Mgyptian priest observes to Solon 
in the TimaeusS'^O SoAw, SoAw/EXAiyvc^ ie) wai^h^ 
ecrre, yipvv ie'^EXkrpf ouk ecruv, explaining his mean- 
ing at the same time by declaring that the Gfeeks 
had no ancient doctrine amongst them, no tradi- 
tion rendered venerable by age. The passages 
are innumerable in which Plato alludes to this 
kind of evidence; an4 he always makes the appeal 
in the tone of a man who thought that it was en- 
titled to considerable weight. The only exception 
I recollect (and in this case the common remark 
is most true, that exceptio prohat regulam) is the 
passage in the Timaeus, in which, after mention- 
ing the traditions respecting Jupiter, Oceanus, Te- 
thys, &c. he observes, that we ought to assent to 
them, because they have been handed down from 
the heroic age ; and we must believe the sons of 

* Plato, Timseus, pars iii. vol. ii. p. 12. Bekker. Eusebius, 
Fnep. Evangel, lib. x. cap. 4. 



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64 

the gods^ though there are no probable or neces- 
sary proofs of their assertions. Warned by the 
fate of Socrates, he thought it prudent to enume- 
rate among his gods the deities of the popular 
mythology ; but at the same time, from his mode 
of expressing himself, we have no difficulty in col- 
lecting his real sentiments. The author however 
of the short' compressed treatise in the ^ Doric 
dialect, of which Plato's work i^ve cited is a 
kind of commentary, sf^eaks f£ triaditiocis respect- 
ing the punishments of a fiiture life as false yet 
expedient. This iimst be considered as the sen- 
timent of the Loerian; for it may be proved frem 
his seventh Efastle that Plato's own opinion was 
very diffiereot ^ In the treatise Ik^fi Kwifmfy attri- 
buted to Aristotle, there ki the aaae appeid made 
to the 0Lf%mhi A^f ; nor b it^importaat, in regard 
toi the present subject^ whethar the w(Hrk be ge*- 
Bttne or not. If not written by the Stagyrite» it 
is evidently a eompositiau of great ant^uity^: 

^ 'Aftt^««ai» fSv 6lE8y rseuvlf im^rtv Kmt vtp oIkv v€ *iKStrmf> xml 
iamf pc mi m i ^ko$c*(4apy >J<getJ9m* FlatOi TioiflBUs, Bekk«r, pars iii. 
vol. ii. p. 42. 

<^ Bekker, pars 111. vol. iii. p. 39 t. 

cap. 6. 

^ Id his Metaphysics he speaks of the importance deservedly 
attributed to this land of evidence : Ti/umTarw ya^ to wftafi^a- 
Toy, lib. i. cap. 3. 



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65 

and we have similar testimony in works undoubt* 
edly his own. 

The early fathers of the church, in their con- 
troversies with the Greek philosophers, always 
accuse them of having borrowed tiieir knowledge 
from foreign countries, principally from Egypt, 
and refer through this channel the wisdom of the 
Ancients to divine revelation as its source ^, 



B. 

The assertion in the text, that Plato believed 
the Deity to have created, matter out of nothing, 
has appeared to me, upon further examination* 
more thairdubious. The younger Platonists, Cle- 
mens Alexandrinus, Ficinus, and Cudworth, main- 



Tlapal^rai Ivl rSv *APXAI0N na) HAAAION Sti ^cd/ re tiah 
«2ST0i Kol vcpicxcf TO $67ov rvjv tXijif ipi6<nv. Met. lib. xiv. c. 8. 

Vide also de Coelo. Atovip, ko^m^ €%e< avfMfeiBtuf iavrh rti/f 
•APXAI0T2 'AAHeEIS cTyai Koyovq. Lib. ii. C. I. 

Diogenes Laertius, at the commencement of his work, cites 
a treatise of Aristotle in which philosophy was represented to 
have derived its origin from the Ufagi of Persia, the Chat- 
daans of Babylon, the Chfmnoscfphists of India, and the Druid» 
of Gaul. Diog. Laert. prooemium, p. i . 

Cicero also speaks of the same kind of testimony. Tusc. 
Qusest. lib. i. cap. 12, 13. 17. 

^ vide Mr. Lancaster s Supplementary Remarks, p. 422. and 
a learned Charge by Waterland in the 8th vol. of his Works ; 
Van Mildert*s edit. Eusebius, Prssp. Evaugelica, lib. x. 

F 



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66 

Uia this opinion ; but tbeir new of Plato's s&a^ 
timents is disproved by the statements of ^ Cicero 
and Aristotle; and the Timeus alone a^iears 
sufficient to shew that he held the eternity of 
matter; nor hm Serranus been successful in la- 
bouring to prove that his assertions are to be con* 
sidiered as aj^ljring only to the archetype of mat- 
ter, and not to matter yistUe and cmT^oreal. It 
is also worthy of remark, that the fathers, in their 
refutation of the- Pagans, almost uniformly object 
to them their ignorance of the creation of matter. 
Thus Athanasius** rebukes the Platonists for re- 
presenting the world to have been created out of 
preexisting matter. Epiphanius^ in his treatise 
against Haereses, accuses Plato of holding contra- 
dictory language on the subject, sometimes speak- 
ing of mattier as created, at others, as coetemal 
with the Deity. Eusebius\ in his Praeparatio 
Evangel., asserts the superiority of Hebrew theo- 
logy in its declaring that God had made all things, 

f Cic. Academ. QuflesL lib. iy. 57. Ai/o 7^ ^<^ 4^1^* (mo 
9MU/ i UkoiTanff to fdh vvMcc//«f>«y xeu 0Xijy wp^ay^^up^ rl hi &( al^ 
%m Kot Ki»w¥ I $\^if Koku KOI vtiSv. Simplicius in Aristot. Phys. 
lib. i. p. 19. ed; Aldus, 1526. 

KCifA«n)< KOI iytrirw (;Xi}< vcvoiiiKcyaM row Bily rib tkx hniyiSj^at. De 
Incaraatione, p. 48. edit. Benedict. Paris. 1698. 

* Epiphanius adversus Hs&reses, lib. i. cap. 6. 

^ Pneparatio Evangelica, lib. vii. cap. 18 — a a. 



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67 

and also the matter out of which ihey ware 
made. 

C. 

Warburton bddlj leserts that aH the ancient 
pbilosopheri^ embraced the principle, that it was 
hwfiil and expecUent to deceive for the public 
good^: and TuMy, on the authority of Plato> 
thinks it so clear, that he calls the doing other-* 
wise nefasy ** a horrid wickedness." As this state- 
ment appeared contrary to the whole tenor of 
Plato's writings, I was for some time at a loss to 
Gonceive what treatise of the jihilosopher could be 
alluded to. I hare no doubt, however, that the 
assertion is grounded on a doubtful translation by 
Cicero oi a passage in the Timeeus"^. Plato hav-« 



> Divine Legation, book iii. sect. 2. vol. ii. p. 13. Warbur« 
ton gives no reference to the treatise in Tally where the sen** 
tence is to be found. 

^ Tl]f fMy e2y voiifr^y kcu warepa Toc/Se rw vavrlf dptiv T€ cpyoy km 
€vp^rra tlq 9^aq AATNATON Xeyeiy. Timseus, p. 23. Bekker. 

Difficile est invenire Conditorem hujas mundi et inventum 
evulgare nefas. Ciceronianum Lexicon Gracolatinum, ab Hen. 
Stephano, 1557. Platpnis Loci Interp. |). 13. 

Eiisebius praises Plato for this reverence in speaking of the 
Deity, as teaching, like the Hebrew scriptures, ap^mgnv eJyai to 
Bttw, Praep. Evangel, lib. xi. c. 12. 

In the same book, cap. 29, Eusebius cites the above passage 
from Plato ; and in the Latin translation by Vigerus the word 
nefa$ is used. The fact is, nefas is not an improper term ; but 

F 2 



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68 

ing declared that it is very difficult to discover 
the Deity, and, when we have discovered him^ 
that it is impossible to reveal him to all men, Ci- 
cero has rendered the word, not by impassible, 
but nefas. Yet upon this interpretation of Ci- 
cero's, or rather misconception on the part of 
Warburton of the proper meaning belonging to 
nefas^ in the passage,. aided by an unwarrantable 
extension of a sentiment limited in its applica- 
tion into a general principle, Warburton has at- 
tempted to establish an hypothesis which would 
annihilate at once all that is excellent in Plato's 
philosophy. There is no author, ancient or mo^ 
dem, who appears to devote himself with greater 
ardour to the pursuit of truths It is the conti- 
nual object of his aspirations. And there are very 
few occasions in which he allows of its being sa- 
crificed to expediency, and then only for a parti- 
cular purpose. Thus, in the third book of the 
Republic, he proposes to banish poets from his 

Warburton misunderstood its meaning. Eusebius, Vigeri edit. 
Paris. 1628. 

^ Vide the word eMfarof (Timeus, p. 42.) in the fMSsage 
cited in the Appendix^ note A. 

€hr€iVf wJbrrtq 9eo/ re km cufBptnM iJua-tS^i»i De Repub. Bekker, 

: Ni^cSBo? fJoffieU /*i»^ t^€ >^fj fMftt cjp7f wpd£€i€, Plato, quoted 
by Black wall. Sacred Classics, vol. ii. p. 103. ed. 1731. 



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69 

ideal commonwealth because they teach not truth, 
but the images of truth ; and he asserts that truth 
is always to be upheld as an object of great conse- 
quence : 'AAAa /x^v Kai aX-lfttiav yt vep) voAAot! xoi-' 
vfriov^. He permits however the governors of the 
city to make use of deceit, either for the sake of 
the citizens, or on account of the enemies ; mean- 
ing probably for the good of the citizens, more 
especially against the enemies of the state ^ : Tal^ 
apyov<n iri r^^ wckea^, €i wip ricriv aXkoii^ Trpo&'^Ket ^€u- 
ieaOoi ^ woXcfiiwf ij wokirSv ilveica or i<f>eX€ta T^^'iro^ 
X€w^ : but a private person is forbidden to practise 
it. Let us suppose then that Plato, while writ- 
ing his Republic, considered himself as enjoying 
the privileges of a magistrate ^ and entitled, at 
the very time he dismisses the poets for giving 
false representations of gods and men, to inculcate 
falsehoods respecting the rewards and punish- 
ments of another life, provided the tendency of 
his fictions was beneficial. Ho^ comes it, that 
not in the Republic and the Laws only, but in 
works strictly philosophical, he holds out the same 
prospect of retribution after death ? 



P De Repub. Bekker, pars iii. vol. i. p. 1 1 2. 

4 DeRepub. p. 112. 

' Yet this supposition, which is allowed for the sake of ar- 
gument, will not be entertained by any one who recollects the 
concluding pages in the second book of the Republic. 

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70 

Is he writing as a legisktor in the Phsedo an 
accoupt of the death of Soerates ? . 

In the Crito, a narrative of his refusal to escape 
irom prison? 

In the Apologia, his defence before his judges ? 

In the Timaeus^ a philosophical description of 
the creation of the world ? 

In the Phaedrus, a discussion on the difference 
between the truly beautiful and the image of it ? 

In the Gorgias, a treatise on rhetoric ? 

D. 
It would appear from the writingi of Platp 
himself as well as from other testimonies, that 
ihere were secret and esoteric^ doctrines reserved 
for select dfsciples^ which were intended to ex- 
plain more fully the obscurar parts of his philo- 
sophy. This seems to be the meaning of the pas- 
Sfige in the seventh Epistle, in which, apparently 
jealous that accounts of his instructions had been 
made piiUic without his sanction, he declares 
(evincing at the same time, as may be perceived 
from the tone of his feelings, a desire to ipagiiify 
the value of these hidden precepts) that there 
were some things which he never had written, 
and which he never would write; and without 

■ Brucker, vol. i, p. 660. PUtpt Pbaedrus, Epist. 2. 7, j^. 
Dc Repub. lib. iv. Bekker, p. 1 79. 



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71 . 

these, fais common instructioiis could not in many 
points be clearly understood. 

It is easy to suppose him having in view those 
passages in his writings in which he mates vague 
and obscure allusions to some apparently sublime 
truth, and then hastens on, without dwelling far- 
ther on the subject, to stotences like that in the 
Pha^rus, where, after descrttiing in a wild and 
mystical st^le the happiness belonging to different 
orders of spiritual beings, he hints at some more 
exalted and perfect felicity confined to the Deity 
alone, and which no poet^ had ever yet described 
or could worthily describe. But there is no foun^^ 
dation for believing, that though his philoscqrtiical 
writings might sometimes admit of aJvMer sense, 
they were therefore intended to bear a double 
sense, and that the very same words were calcu«- 
lated to convey to different classes of readers tw(^ 
meanings opposite to each other. Yet it is upon 
such a theory that we are to imagine Plato (ac*- 
cording to Wwburton's views) not merely keep*- 
ing back something in his obseure representations, 
but absolutely disbelieving^ his plain and positive 

^ T^ dc hi4pwpd9t^ W«4y «(; re t»< tiun^iri vor TSy rgSc ironrr^f 9& tc 
'g^ ifim^u Ka-i iiiaat. Phsdrus, Bekker, para i. vol. i. p. 42. 

■» Ckero thought differently of Plato's belief on the subject. 
Ut enim rationem Plato nullam afferret (vide quid horoini tri- 
buam) ipsa auctoritate me frangeret. Tot autem rationes attu- 

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72 

statements^ and having no conviction of a fiituie 
state of personal consciousness, though he never 
fails in every treatise to inculcate it. A species of 
literary MachiaveUianism (as it has been caUed) 
so extravagant, if not impossible, as this, and so 
directly opposed to all the notions which a sober- 
minded man would imbibe from a general view of 
the tendency of Plato's writings, would require 
the strongest evidence for its support. And the 
supposition is at once disproved, as far as his be- 
lief of a future state is concerned, by a reference 
to his Epistles ; those private Epistles, in which 
(as Warburton properly remarks) a man speaks 
his sentiments without disguise ; nay, to the very 
same Epistles which are appealed to for the theory 
of a double sense, and which, if they do contain 
it, prevent its application to the question of a fu- 
ture retribution, by their containing also other 
passages in which the philosopher decidedly ex- 
presses his conviction of individual consciousness 
after death'. In fact, nothing can be more la- 

■ 
lit, ut yelle ceteris^ sibi eerie penuasiste videatur. Tusc. QtuuL 
lib. I.e. 21. 

Tvy M^. at yitp /SeXriO'Tai ifw^flu MANTETONTAI raSha «lhw« 
cx<iy. ol'Bc ft/oxBi^porareu •t <patri^ KVfltirtpa ^ rk rSp ^(w MpAf 
fjtMirr€^l/Mra ^ rk rSy {jui* Epist. 2. ad Dionys. Bekker, p. 400. 

n€i$€ff$at ^ {rr«( M xfn rui wakamq rt koi Upu^ ^Jyot^ m ^ 
^ipriwtrw ^fuw AOANATON ^mTXHN EINAI AIKAZTA2 TE IZXBIN 



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73 

boured aiid unsatisfkctorjr thftii the bishop's argu-^ 
ments on the subject. The Epistles which he 
eites would by no means prove the truth of the 
general principle itself, omitting the question of 
its application, but only the partial adoption of 
such an expedient for a specific object y : and most 
of the other testimonies maj be dismissed at once. 
Such writers as Jamblichus and Synesius are of 
very little value in determining such a question. 
The latter was a Christian bishop of the fifth cen- 
tury ; and, as he refused to surrender his heretical 
notions respecting the soul to the testimony of the 
written word of God, it is very possible that his 
interpretations of philosophy might be equally at 
variance with the actual statements of Plato. And 
Jamblichus, with all the Platonists of the Alexan- 
drian school^^ (though they by no means univer- 
sally support Warburton's views,) made it their 
object to misrepresent the doctrines of their Mas- 
ter. By the convenient theory of a double sense, 
of which they constituted themselves the inter- 

KAI TINEIN TAX MEFISTAS TIMOPIAX OTAN TI2 AHAAAAXeH 
TOT 20MAT02. Epist. 7. p. 448. 

y WarburtoD, book iii. sect. 2. 3. 4. 

' PlotiDUS, the most acute of them all, never supposed that 
the unity of the universd Soul excluded the idea of separate 
consciousness after death, or of personal identity in the indivi- 
duals who were parts of it. 4th Ennead^ Plotinus, 9th book, 
ch. I. 7th book, ch. 15. 



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74 

pretm, they were enabled to make any discoveries 
they pleased : hence it is, that while plain and in- 
telligible accounts were rejected, as intended for 
the vulgar only, the most obscure and indistinct 
conceptions were spiritualized into sublime truths; 
and the sacred mystery of the Trinity, and other 
doctrines of Christianity, were unfolded to the pro* 
phetic eye of Porphyry and Plotinus in the dis* 
cussions of the Academy ; till by these and similar 
methods the dark oracles of paganism were exalted 
into a perfect rule of truth and wisdom, to the dis- 
paragement of the clear revelations of Christianity. 
If we give the author of the Divine Legation the 
full benefit of ^Numenius's testimony, (of whose 
writings only a few fragments remain preserved 
in Origen and Eusebius^ which do not sanction 
his opinions,) on the supposition, gratuitouly as- 
sumed, that the lost works of this Pythagorean 
and Platonist would have supported his view of 



* Numenius is mentioDed by Origen contra Celsnm, Kb. v. 
pp. 258. 269. edit. Spencer. 1677; also Opiniones de Anima, 
p, 629. edit. Fbris. 1618. Eusebias^ Pnep. Evang. lib.xi. con- 
tains Numenius's sentiments; w€p) ret; Uvrifw airfw (cap, 18.); 
9€p) ri^oBw (cap. 22.). This philosopher, as well as Plotinus, 
is fond of using the expressions ** the Father** and ** the Son," 
(by the Son meaning the Ai^fuoopT^) to designate the first and 
second Deities of their own, not Plato*s theological system. 
This was done with the view of making philosophy speak as 
much as possible the language of revealed truth. 



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76 

the quertipn ; if is iiiipocw&ble» in discuflsing a sub- 
ject of so much interest, to pass over without no- 
tice the observations which he makes on a passage 
quoted from Plato's Epinomis, The whole com- 
ment exhibits a singular instance of the blind par- 
tiality of a writer when advocating a favourite 
hypothesis. The elegant ambiguity of which War- 
burton speaks has np foundation, except in bis 
own fancy : the words admit but c^ one meaning 
consistent with the general tenor of Plato's writ- 
ings and the rules of just interpretation. In pro- 
posing to render he toMc^ €y0(^ referring to the 
word eu<rOiia€»v, which occurs in the previous claus6» 
that of many sensation9 he has only one left> the 
bishop has fully proved how much his acuteness 
and ingenuity surpassed his acquaintance with the 

^ Divine Legation, book iii. sect. 3. yol. ii. p. 65. 

The passage alluded to is as foUpws ; ^On koI Ui^x^i^'^ 

poy &¥am;'k^a'€it 0'%€Siy ^oy vcp ct* a^avwif ^, fMire jue^cf ciy In xoKkw 
TOT€ Ka$ai 9tp yvv ah^irtWt fuSiq t< fMipa^ ficTCiXij^^a /h^ km BK 
nOAADN *ENA rErONOl^A eiMimd re W^am ««} 9-«^irr^ 
a/*a KOi fjMKdfioif — ^here Warburton concludes: the sentence 
continues thus; iUi TI2 EN HHEIPOIX EIT EN NH20IS MA- 
KAPIOZ ON ZHI> ic^€2»ey /Actfcfeiy rf^ roMU^f &u ti^. Epinomis, 
Bekker, pars iii. vol. iii. p. 374. 

It is evident that the phrase ix T«XX»y &« ytyv^a alludes to 
the doctrine of Plato, that the soul was uniform and uncom- 
pounded, fAM^t^q, as distinguished from the body which was 
compounded. Vid. Phaedo, Bddter, pars ii. vol. iii. p. 50. 



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76 

elementary principles of grammar, a far more' hum- 
ble, yet more necessary instrument in the investi- 
gation of ancient learning. And if he had pur- 
sued his inquiry to the end of the sentence, he 
would have observed that the words immediately 
following the part quoted could hardly fail to con- 
vey the notion of that personal consciousness for 
the denial of which he appeals to the passage as a 
testimony. It is perhaps unnecessary to dwell 
longer on this sentence ; for there is some reason 
io doubt whether the Epinomis was written by 
Plato. The Epistles appealed to in favour of a 
double sense are generaUy the 2d, the 7th, and 
the 13th. The meaning of the seventh has been 
before alluded to. The second contains a kind of 
cipher, expressive of the Deity, written with the 
view, as Plato himself declares, that if the letter 
miscarried either by land or sea, the reader into 
whose hands it should chance to fall might not 
understand the import, a precaution not altogether 
unnecessary if we recollect the polytheism of the 
times, and the fate of Socrates his master: the words 
are these : ^^paariov S17 ao/ ii alviyiLSn^ tv av r/ 17 i^Xro^ 
^ irovTOw ^ y^f hf wrvyaT^ ^^f avayifovf fMj ym. ^fi^e, 
yap exfi, Uepi rov wearrcmf fiao'tkia %wn eori Koi iKvutw 
^Ka vayro, xas €K€TifO ahiov aof&nwf rSv KoMSoif. icvrtpov 

^ Bekker, pars iii. vol. lii. p. 403. 



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^€ wepi ra ievrepa, kcu rpfrw vepi rarpha. This pas* 
sage is distinguished bj a peculiarity of style 
which awakens strong suspicions against its being 
genuine. The founder of the Academy is mystical, 
but he seldom gives utterance to his mysticism in 
this kind of language. It will be observed also, 
that there is a difference of construction between 
the former pavt of the sentence vepi rov vdvrw fiwn^ 
kia, and the two concluding clauses. In the first 
instance the vepi is made to refer to the person, in 
the latter to the thing. But to enter into any in- 
vestigation as to the genuineness of the passage 
would involve a critical discussion on the general 
character of Plato's Epistles. And though the de- 
cision of the question might have some weight in 
determining the meaning we attach to the words 
before us, the theory of a double sense would 
not be in the least affected by such a considera* 
tion. For whether genuine or not, they were in- 
tended to convey obscurely one sense only; and to 
those who did not understand them they would 
have no signification at all. If we suppose the 
sentence spurious^ it was probably interpolated by 
those who wished to represent Plato as teaching 
doctrines equivalent to the Christian revelation of 
the Trinity ; if really written by the philosopher, 
an interpretation must be sought accordant with 
the acknowledged principles ponveyed in his works, 



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78 

itt whicli the Trimfty b oertainly net to be found^. 
The account of creation, given in the Timaena, wiH 
fiirnirfi a probable explanation. The cbrase wepl 
r)y 94nm fiofftkm may be considered as alluding to 
the ehi^ DeUff, Creator and Sov^e^ of all 
things : the seeoMi, who has weo/ndary objects 
oomniitted to his charge, may be referred to the 
unirerse : the third Intelligence^ who has a third 
department allotted, was perhaps intended to de^ 
signate man himself, whose formation and final 
destiny, as of a being distinguished for piety and 
wisdom, Plato describes with great pomp and dif- 
fiiseness, and who, in the language of ancient phi- 
losophers, was often reinresented as a type of the 
world ^. It is true that Eusebius refers the whde 
passage to the blessed Trinity, and censures the 
inttf pretation of the Platonists^ who explain it by 
that favourite system which they invented for 
themselves of the first God, the Father of all 
things ; the second Deity, the J^iucvpyof ; and the 

^ An accouDt of the supposed Platonic Tri&itj will be found 
in Cudworth, lib. i. c. 4. p. 406. 

^ Tavret el tIp UX^rwa htava^Tv vnp^fxewt M rh vpSrw Oe^y 

B€ly rp/rey leai aMi» ipti/ifAevoi eJpeu, qI U y€ BeM \oyoi r^y ayia» km 
fMKaftaof rpiaZa. k, t. X. Eusebius, Preparat. Evangel, lib. xi. 
cap. 20. Vide also lib. xi. cap. 17. where the passage is again 
cited in an extract from Plotinus. 



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79 

tUrd^ the soul of the world. B«t it must be re« 
membered that the bitter exposition of the one 
party to Christianity^ and the injudicious argu^ 
ments of the other in its favour, render the testir 
mony of both on such a subject of little value. 
With regard to the sentence in the 19th Epistle^ 
in which the writer professes to give « key to ex.^ 
pressions which he might make use of respecting 
the name of the Deity, r^$ /ctcv yap awoi^cua^ 'Eyioto* 
k^i BEOS apyifh BEOI ie r^f $TToy, it may be suffix 
cient to observe, that the reason before alluded to, 
viz, the fear lest his letters should miscarry, would 
account for the adc^tion of such an expedient. 
These words, notwitbstandmg the testimony of 
Blusebiuss^ in their &vour, can furnish no proof 
either of a double sense in Plato's writings, or of 
his belief in the unity of the Godhead, for it is un- 
deniable that in his works the terms B^c and Om 
fu-e used indiscriminately \ 

E. 

In omsidering the opinions of the ancient phi^ 
losophers respecting the absorption of the soul 
after death into the one Spirit of the universe, it 
is important to keep in view the distinction of the 

8 Frffiparat. Evangel, lib. xi. cap. 13. 

^ Socratses uses the terms Godhead and the Gods without 
dbtinction in his works generally. Aristipps Briefe, Wieland, 
book i. p. 114, N 



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several schools, and not to dte passages from M. 
Antoninus or Seneca as illustrative of the doctrines 
of all, but as confined in their application to that 
sect only of which the writers were members. 

The truth may briefly be stated thus: Plato, 
if the testimony of his own writings can be relied 
on, never entertained the notion that death brought 
with it the extinction of individual consciousness. 

Of Aristotle the opinions are more dubious; 
yet there is nothing in his works which, if well 
considered, ought to destroy the positive testimony 
given in the Ethics of his belief that the dead are 
aflfected by the fortunes of their living friends '. 

Of Pythagoras^ there is no positive evidence 
by which we can absolutely determine his notions 
on the subject. 

The most distinguished philosophers among the 
Stoics differed from each other. Antoninus and 
Epictetus avowedly maintained the absorption of 
the human soul at its separation from the body 
into the Soul of the world, and the extinction of 
conscpusness ; and it appears from some passages 
in the Epistles of Seneca ^ that he was of the same 



> Ethics, lib. i. c. ii. 

^ TennemaDn Geschichte der Philosophie, s. 94. Brucker« 
Hist. Crit. Phil. p. 1039. 

^ Brucker, pp. 951, 952^ 953. Senece Consolatio ad Mar- 
ciam, cap. 19. conf. cap. 25. Epist. 54. Mors est, non essl. 
Id quale sit, jam scio : hoc erit post me quod ante me fiiit. 



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81 

opinion; though at other times he dilates most 
admirably on the happiness to be enjoyed after 
death in the society of the gods. The prevailing 
doctrine of the sect seems to have been, that the 
souls of the virtuous and philosophical would be- 
come inhabitants of the stars/ and exist till the 
periodical conflagration of the universe^; but that 
those of the wicked would endure only for a cer- 
tain interval* and then be dispersed into the air. 
Cleanthes, however, and some others, maintained 
tiiat all equidly, the bad as well as the good, would 
survive till this revolution of things. 

The Epicureans disbelieved altogether that the 
soul survived the body. 

The middle and new Academy and the soeptics 
cannot be said to have had any belief, for they 
had no fixed opinions at all. 

At the risk of appearing tedious, I shall venture 
a few more obsei*vations on the different senses iii 
which the doctrine of the Anima Mundi was held 

Quaeris, quo Jaceas post obitum loco 
Quo non nata jacent. Seneca tragkus. 

™ T^y Sc 4^^ 76»y^Ti{y re ^dapr^ \tywao^' v^k €(i9h^ B€ tov a^^^ 
ixaro^ AwKKayeicroif <f>$€if€cr$at, &XK* hrifjUifttv T<y^ xpAiwv^ ica9* iav- 
Tf^' T^y (uv TW awBn^aUw lUxfi t^c el( irvp ^ycKXi/o-cdK "^Wf 'Kdarjw, 
Euseb. Pnep. Evaog. lib. xv. cap. 20. Cicero, Tu9C. Qu«st. 
lib. i. 32. 

Qfa)g. Laertius, lib. vii. p. 29 j. edit. 1570. 

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82 

by the ditferent sects. The notion appears to 
have prevailed at an early period in Asia and 
Egypt, and it viras from this latter country, pro-* 
bably, that it was introduced into Greece, and be- 
came subject to various modifications as it passed 
through the several schools. 

«* The opinions of Orpheus, before Greek phi- 
losophy was yet formed into a system, according 
to the most favourable supposition, were, that God 
was originally connected with matter, but that he 
expelled it from him, and that what was before 
one nature was divided into two ; yet at the same 
time he does not appear to have altogether eman- 
cipated the Deity of his belief from the mass of 
matter which he pervaded and guided. ^ The no- 
tions of the Ionic school afterwards were probably 
not very different from this, till the time of Anax- 
agoras, who entertained nobler and more elevated 
views of the divine Mind than his predecessors p. 

° The opinions attributed to Orpheus seem to have been, 
that the world was an emanation from God ; and Brucker 
also thinks that he held this efflux of matter to be a part of 
God : this has however been disputed : " Deum ante mundi- 
" turn conditum cum chao infinite copulatum fuisse et ita con- 
''junctum ut omnia continuerit. Expulisse vero Deum ex 
*' sinu suo materiam.** Brucker^ pars ii. lib. i. cap. i. p. 390. 

^ Brucker, pars ii. lib. i. pp. 470 — 490. Tennemann. Spe- 
culation der lonier. 



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88 

He taught that the essence of Ood had never been 
united with matter, and was now totally distinct 
from it; at the same time that he pervaded all 
things, and set them in order ; a belief not very 
far removed from the Christian doctrine of the 
omnipresence. 

According to Cudworth, Pythagoras held nearly 
the same sentiments as those' above ascribed to 
Orpheus: but Brucker combats this opinion, and 
degrades his philosophy to pure atheism or Spino* 
zism % The fact is, that the treatises from which 

N0T2 €Xd«y avrit h€K6a'f4aj<re' vapo koI mSj ^ircKXijdij. Diog. Laert. 
in Anaxag. p. 51. edit. 1570. Idem, prooemium, p. 2. 

NOTN KM d€«y vpSiro^ hecvyayof/xvoq rfj KO<r/A<yinif^. TbemistlUS, 
quoted by CudWorth, p. 380. . ... 

, Not/( MEMIKTAI ovbevl xpVjiAMri' ^IXXa fMvoq aM^ i<ff* iavrov itrriv. 
Anaxagoras in Simplicio. Comment. Aristot. Phys. lib. i. p. 33. 

TRj? he Kiv^a-ea^ Kot^ tij^ ycveo^&f antoy Marvio'e tIv NOTN i 'Ava- 
iovylfoq. Simplicius, p. 12. 

'0{ a/}a NOT2 €<rr\v l ^lOKOfffMiy re kou vdvrw curioi. Socrates 
speaking of Anaxagoras, Plato, Phsedo, Bekker, p. 85. 
- Aperta simplexque mens. Cicero de Natura Deorum lib. i. 
e. II. Aoadem. Qusestionum lib. iv. c. 37. 

Qua seotentia proxime ad Christianorum dogma accesserit, 
qui Deum docent per res omnes commeare ut cum nulla tamen 
ullo modo misceatur. Brucker, pars ii. lib. ii. cap. i. p. 507. 

^ Qua]is Ule Deus Pythagoricus, nempe ignis mundi sub- 
tilissimus. Brucker, p. 1077; 

That he held an incorporeal Deity, distinct from the worlds 
is a thing not questioned by any. Cudworth, p. 21. 

Vide Aristot. de Anima, t^ourdv tik^ avruv ^in/y^v elvat r^ 4¥ 
rff Aipi idfffjMxay til $£ ri tavra kwwv, lib. i. cap. 2. 

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84 

a knowledge of the Pythagorean principles is to 
be derived differ from each other. Timaeus the 
Locrian supports the view taken by Cudworth, 
but Ocellus Lucanus asserts that the world was 
neither created nor arranged % having had no on- 
gin» and destined to have no end : and in another 
passage he seems to consider it as the Deitj and 
the Cause of idl things. The Eleatic school iden- 
tified God with the world. ^ Plato refined upon 
the doctrines of Pythagwas* and taught the more 
elevated philosophj of Anaxagoras, in separating 
the supreme Deitj from matter : and though he 
makes a divinity of the law of nature, by assign- 
ing a divine Intelligence or Soul to the world, 
who guides and directs it to artificial ends, he 

' AoKC? ydtp fMi TO meof ay^ktBpw &au koli irfkinj[tw iei tc yStp Ipr 

Kot coTM. Ocellus Lucanu8» Gale» Opusc. Mythol. cap, i. p. 
506. edit. 1688. 

'O U y€ K02M02, eurUq irrt ru^ oXAak toS elpoi Koi rmi vmC^t- 
cBat, Kou rev o^orcX^ e7»«(. p. 510. 

Conf. p. 531. Tki ipiiai THO TOT eEOT 5*&»^'kk— icod* 
€Kaarw^ iufavX'^pua'&f O eEOS. Vide also Justia Martyr, Brucker, 

' Timaeus, passim. 

Alcinous, as interpreter of Plato's doctrines, gives the fol- 
lowing description of the Deity : Uatyip Be ivrk rf cmtm^ cimu 
v^brwy Koi 'K^fAtitf roy oipoHw ww km rypf 4^v^ rtSJ Kia-fiou vpo^ cov- 
rii' Kotl vp^ T^ iavrw w»j«i«, xarit yap t^y learrdv BOTAH2IN 
^^raXifKe Vtibrra hanw^ -ryjiif ^o^^y rw ic^/aov hc€y€ipotq mX €«( kmn\» 

lioucwfduu ^limoureof ^va iw tfU ry icoo*^. Alcinous, cap. I o. 



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86 

nerer cotifounds this secondary god with the <me 
first Cause and Creator of all things. 

In the works of Aristotle, few as the indications 
are which they afford g£ his opinions on the sul>- 
ject, it is not impossible to discover that he does 
not confound the Deity with the universe ^ In 
the Politics he clearly marks the distinction be- 
tween the two ideas, and in hb metaphysical 
works, the same distmction may be traced. 

Among the followers of Plato in the Academy, 
^ no important deviation from his system is to be 
perceived^. The statements of Xenocrates and 
Polemo are far from being irrecondleable with 
the principles inculcated by the founder of the 
school. 

Into the doctrines of the middle and new 
Academy it is unnecessary to enter, because, as 

^ Aristot Pol. lib. vii. cap. 3. S^oX^ yitp S» O 0E02 c^^ icaXftf; 
KOI HAS O KOJMOS o7( ouk tUAv iiureplKai vpdSeii map^ r^q o^- 
Kiia^ T^ aurSv. Vid. also Metaphys. lib. xiv. cap. 7. in which 
the Deity is said to be Afhto^^ ^ij^to^, icep^wpio-^evo^ rSy alaBifrSp, 
&fA€fl^^ Ka) ittiaipero^, — De Coelo, lib. ii. cap. i. In which Ari- 
stotle argues^ that if the Deity were confounded with the uni- 
verse, he would have the fate of Ixion. 

^ Brucker, pp. 738. 742. Cudworth, Intellect. Syst. cap. 4. 
sect. 24. p. 418. Speusippus autem et Xenocrates qui primi 
Platonis rationem auctoritatemque susceperant et post hos Po- 
lemo, et Crates unaque Grantor in Academia congregati dili- 
genter ea qiue a su|>erioribus acceperant, tuebantur. Cicero, 
Academ, Quasi, lib. u cap. 9. 

6 3 



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86 

was before remarked, they virtually made it thdf 
principle to have no established system % and 
they are therefore justly dassed by Warburton 
with professed Pyrrhonists. 

The Peripatetics by no means uniformly ad- 
hered to the tenets of their master, and one of 
them, Strato Lampsacenus 7, is distinguished for 
having plunged into a depth of atheism beyond 
that of any other philosophical teacher, and to 
have inculcated more degrading notions respecting 
the Deity than those of the Stoics ; for he main- 
tained that there was no other God than a kind 
of plastic life in nature, without sense or con- 
sciousness. The Stoics, like Strato, considered Grod 
and matter to form one nature inseparably united, 
but they maintained the existence (if such a dif- 
f^ence between these two forms of atheism can 
clearly be conceived) of a kind of divine reason, 

X Opinabor was their professed principle: Qusro enim, 
quid sit, quod comprehendi possit — ^Incognito nimirum assen- 
tiar, id est, opinabor. Cic, Academ, QiutsU lib. i^. 35. 

y A short account of Strato's life, but not of his doctrines, is 
given in Diog. LaSrt. and his works also are enumerated : he 
succeeded Theophrastus in his school, and had been preceptor 
to Ptolemy Philadelphus, I^iog. LaSrt. p. 186. He is described 
'by St. Augustine as something between an atheist and a theist. 
Por his opinions, vide Cudworth^ lib. t. cap. 3. sect. 4. p. 107. 
Brucker, pars ii. lib. ii. cap. 7. pp. 845 — 847. Cicero de Na- 
tura Deorum, lib. i. cap. 13. Academ. Quest, lib. i. cap. 9. lib# 
iv. cap. 38. 



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87 

divina ratio toH mundo insita \ while their rivals 
above alluded to allowed the diyinity of plastic 
force only. The distinction must be considered 
more verbal than real % if we remember that the 
god of the Stoics^ notwithstanding the magnificent 
language in which they soinetime^ extol him» wa$ 
corp^n^al made up of fire and liquid ether, finiti^ 
inseparably united to matter, and subject to it9 
control, without free-will, and apparently without 
personality. They taught that the soul of ma9 
was. a part of the divine essence, a wet/px &0€/)/Aoy ^, 
that it partook of the same qualities, was an ema* 
nation from it, and, after the destined period, would 
be resolved into it <^, when the eternal law of fate* 



' Zeno autem naturalem legem divinam esse censet. Aliis 
autem libris rationem quandani, per omnem naturam rerum 
pertinentem ut di^nam esse affectam (divina vi afifectam) 
putat. Cicero, de Natura Deorum, lib. i. cap. 14. ratione mun- 
dus utitur. Aninians est mundus composque rationis. lib. ii. 
cap. 8. 

^ Brucker, pars li. lib. ii. cap. 9. p. 937. TennemaDn^ Stoiker, 
s. 121. Diog. Laert lib. vii. De Natura Deorum, Cicero, lib.i. 
lib. ii. cap. 14, 15. Academ. Qiuest. lib. iv. cap. 41. Cudwortbf 
lib. i. cap. 4. p. 419. Eusebius, Prseparat. Evangel, lib. xv. cap. 
15, 16. S. Epipbanii Responsio ad Epist. Acacii et Fauli, p. 7. 
Adv. Uffireses. lib. i. 5. 

b Diog. Lagrt lib. vii. p. 291. 

*^ *Ap€ckft he roT^ itfea-^vraToTi rSv itvl -nj^ al^treii^ raSrif^i i(a€p(ah 
a-Bcu fforra Kar^ vepiobovq Tivotq ra^ fjUyurra^ c/( vvp at$€p»hfi SofoXufi- 
fiyenw «t£yT«y. Eusebius, Praep. Evangel, lib. vr. cap. iS. Idem 

G 4 



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88 

from similar (Hrindples^ would again produce Amu 
kf combinations ; a new universe would arise from 
its elementary fire, destined to become ip the de« 
. Telopement of all its successive phenomena, pbj^ 
sical and moral, whether trifling or importfint, the 
exact counterpart of the old : iVom the eruption of 
volcanoes, or the convulsion' of empires, to the 
smidlest blade of grass, and the most minute aocU 
dent in the character and fortunes of every indi* 
vidual that before existed, 
t ^ The opinions of Bpicurus are too well known 
to require examination. The Romans were copy- 
ists of the Greek philosophers, rather than in- 
ventors of independent systems^ and in the inter- 
pretation of their sentiments they are frequently 
superficial, and not always to be relied on. In the 
time of Cicero the philosophy of Epicurus, of the 
Stoics, and of the old and new Academy, was most 
studied. Cicero himself, next to the works of the 
hew Academy, his own sect, was most conversant 
in the writings of the Stoics. In speaking of 
Aristotle he observes, that his philosophy was little 
read even by the learned «. It appears that those 

cap. 19. Diog. Laert. lib. vii. p. 284. edit. 1570. WarburtoD, 
book iii. sect. 3. vol. ii. p. 72. Vide also Origen contra Cel- 
suni, lib. V. p. 244, 245. edit. Spencer. 1677. Even Socrates's 
worn out clothes were to appear again in this regeneration. 

** Cicero de Natura Deorum lib. i. 

^ Rhetor autem ille magnus haec Aristotelica se ignorare re- 



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89 

Romans in general who beKered .in a supreme 
Deity identified him with the Sbol of the universe. 
^Varro undoubtedly had no other notion of Jii-^ 
piter, and he may be considered as representing 
the jxrindples prevalent in his time. The later 
Platonists of the school of Ammonius were lost in 
the dreams of oriental speculation. Plotinus, like 
Spinoza, afterwards seems to have maintained that 
God was no existence himself, but the cause of all 
existence ^, and that matter, soul, and God were 
inseparable, and had been so from all eternity.. It 
might be a subject of curious' investigation to fol- 

spondit. Quod quidem minime sum admiratus eum philoso- 
phum rhetori non esse cognitum, qui ab ipsis philosophis, prae- 
ter admodum paucos, ignoraretur. Topica, eap. i^ 

^ Dicit ergo Varro adhuc de naturali tbeokigia pneloquens, 
Deum se arbitrari esse Ani^iam Mundi quam Grseci vocant 
Koa-fMv et hunc ipsuin mundum esse Deum. Augustin. Cw, Dei^ 
lib. vii. cap. 6. 

. A very iateresting account of the theology of Varro is given 
in Dr. Ireland's learned treatise on Paganism and Christianity 
compared, chap. 5. 

s Plotinus's notion in lib. ix. Ennead. 6. so far as an ordi- 
nary mind may be permitted to approach such sublime ab- 
stractions, appears to be, that the first original principle is No- 
thing, yet the cause of all things 3 having neither quantity nor 
quality ; neither soul nor reason ^ is neither in motion nor in 
tranquillity ; is neither unity nor number 5 neither in space nor 
in time ; without thought or will ; yet the act of thinking, and 
the cause of all thought ; the smallest, yet the largest ; the good> 
the perfect. 



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90 

low up the question through the philosophical 
sects of more modem times, to examine how far 
the sjstem of Spinoza accords with the doctrine 
taught in some of the ancient schools, and to pursue 
the inquiry even to our own day, through the most 
recent philosophical systems, and ascertain to what 
extent the charge of pantheism is justly to be im^ 
puted to them K But a superficial view of i^ch 
subjects seldom £eu1s to produce or strengthen er- 
roneous opinions, and an accurate research would 
require the labours of a life. 

It appears then, that, of the different schools of 
antiquity, some held the soul of the world to be 
the chief Grod, some a secondary Deity; of the 
former, some believed the universal Soul to pass 
through matter unmixed, some to be united and 
form only one nature with it ; and of these again, 
some considered the corporeal Deity to be a kind 
of divine reason without personality, others a spe- 
cies of vegetative life, called the plastic force of 
nature. Is it too much to infer, from ah examina- 
tion of such unintelligible theories ', that the in- 
ventors and supporters had no clear conceptions of 
their own meaning, and that principles like these 

^ Die neueste philosophie nabert sich dem system des Spi' 
noza von mehreren Seiten an. Tennemann, art. Spinoza, 

^ Exposui fere non.philosophorum judicia sed delirantium 
somnia. Cicero de Natura Deorutn lib. i. cap. i6. 



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91 

had very little influence on the practical belief of 
mankind ? And degrading as the picture is which 
such systems exhibit of the weakness of humaii 
reason, it is at least a subject of satisfaction to per^ 
ceive, that the two great master minds of anti# 
quity, Aristotle and Plato, never cherished those 
low and debasing, views of the Divinity which in- 
ferior teachers ventured to inculcate. With that 
humility which never fails to accompany talent of 
the highest order/^ they both express themselves 
unable to penetrate the darkness and difficulty 
which involves such questions as those respecting 
the divine essence and the nature of the soul ; and 
Plato more than once recommends prayer to the 
Deity, that the understanding may be strength- 
ened and enlightened^. 



'This must be the feeHng of every man con- 
versant with metaphysical systems. If we trace 
the history of philosophic^ speculation from its 
commencement to the present houf^, we shall 

^ Plato, Timaeus, p. 22. Aristot. de Anima, lib. i. 

^ ^iKwro^ta ydp rot iarof, a XuKpareq, xap/ev, ay ttq avrov /MTfiuq 
a^/viTat h rg ^Xixi^i* €dy §€ vepairipv rov $eoyro^ iybiarpCtf^, ItatjiBcp^ 
rSy&vBpvKmf. Gorgias, Bekker, pars ii. vol. i. p. 83. These words, 
originally used by Plato with a different object in view, will apply 
to the present question. 



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92 

observe the same forms of atheism and jpanthdsm . 
reviving in different ages, and supported and com- 
bated by nearly the same arguments. It would 
seem as if speculation on its wildest wing was 
still condemned to soar within prescribed limits, 
and to pursue the same circling flight. The most 
subtle and profound thinkers have arrived at little 
certainty upon subjects of abstract reaiA>ning. 
Nor are the wild and dangerous theories that 
have sometimes been adopted, to be attributed to 
pure malice and malignity, at enmity with the 
good of mankind, but to a restless desire of know- 

. ledge upon questions in which knowledge in our 
present state can never be attained, and to a spirit 
of intellectual ambition which allows of no limita-^ 
tion to the exercise of human thought. Hence it 
is that ancients and modems, deists, atheists, and 
Christians, men of immoral and moral life, of 
pious and impious feelings, have built up philo- 
sophical systems equally unintelligible. And some 
of these have been established upon principles of 
which it would be very difficult to shew the fal- 
lacy, yet upon which no man, not even the in- 
ventor of the system, would or could act for a 
single moment. In seeking to become more, we 

• pay the penalty of our folly, and become less than 
man. Hume declared that he was afraid to think, 
on account of the conclusions to which he might 



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come, and the barriers of separation he might 
create between himself and the rest of mankind. 
This feeling should have taught him that the pur- 
suit of truth, properly conducted, could never lead 
to such a separation, and that there was otb^ 
and stronger evidence than abstract reasoniiig 
alone °*. Reid was unable to refute Berkeley's 
principles, till he appealed to the common belief 
and conduct of mankind. And as a rule for our 
own decision in judging of the conviction of a 
writer, when his philosophy is opposed to his 
common feelings and language ", it will be tnucb 
safer to depend upon the latter, than upon in^ 
ferences from his metaphysical creed ^. Anaxa- 
goras is said to have maintained that snow was 
black, in order to preserve his consistency as a 

*" Qui nondum ea, quse multis post annis tractafi coepissent, 
physica didicissent, tantum sibi peisuaseraot quantum natura 
admonente cognoverant. Haec ita sentimus natura duce, nulla 
ratione nullaque doctrina. Cic, Tusc, Qucest. lib. i. cap. 13. 

nSv yaf t«€f ta-fMV Kpetrroy ^ kut* avdbt$w twto Kctrat KOiyy^v tw^ua 
MrfU¥» Ongen de Anima, p. 61 8. ed. Paris. 161 8. 

La Nature confond les Pyrrhoniens, et la raison confoud 
les dogmatistes. Pensies de Pascal, art. I. 

» I do not wish by ttiis statement to set up feeling in religion 
aboice reason, but above metaphysical and abstract reasoning. 
In an argument of reason our natural, feelings and desires, to- 
gether with conscience, should form a part of it. 

^ Anaxagoras nivem nigram dixit esse; ferres me si ego idem 
dicerem ? Ckeio Academ. Quasi, lib. iv. cap. 23. 



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94 

reasoner ; but who will imagine that he was sin- 
cere? 



The following brief ^fietch of the moral ^s- 
tems supported by Aristotle and Plato may be 
of service in determining the question whether 
the ancients generally believed that truth and 
utility did not coincide. Notwithstanding the 
subtlety of their speculative discussions, in which 
the distinctions and divisions are often merely 
verbal, it was evidently the object of both phi- 
losophers to elevate, and as far as possible perfect, 
the mind and faculties of man. They both main- 
tained that the happiness which nature had taught 
the desires of the soul to aim at, as its ultimate 
end and object, would consist in the perception of 
truth. Plato considered this truth to be altogether 
intellectual and speculative. Hence it is that he 
enjoins the purest moral precepts ; the entire sub- 
jugation, or rather annihilation of the passions p, 
not because moral virtue was a direct means to 
happiness, but because the purification of the soul 
was necessary to the perception of intellectual 
truth, in which alone human felicity would be 
found. For the same reason he commands the 
extinction of imagination also^; it is a faculty 
which cheats and deludes us with the image of 

P Vid. Phsedo, passim. n Republic, book iii. x. 



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truth instead of the realitj. Poetry and painting 
and all the fine arts are to be banished, as obscur- 
ing and impeding the exercise of reason in aspir-* 
ing after its substantial good. But though our 
nature while on earth, by thus endeavouring to 
destroy passion and imagination, might make 
gradual progress towards the enjoyment of haj^i-^ 
ness and the perception of truth, their full per- 
fection could never be attained till the soul was 
emancipated from the body, when the shadow of 
knowledge would be changed into the substance, 
and we should see essential truth as it really is, 
uniform, unchangeable, and eternal. 

Aristotle, on the contrary, does not consider 
intellectual truth alone as the only knowledge to 
which the human faculties, are to be trained and 
directed. Regarding man as a being possessed of 
passion, imagination, and reason, he provides for 
the due exercise add perfection of them all. 
Truth with him is not one and indivisible, but 
distinguished into ttuih in morals, truth in the. 
fine arts, and truth in questions of science ^d 
wisdom, purely abstract and speculative. These 
different kinds of knowledge are not inseparably 
united and confounded ^. He who possesses that 
moral perfection which teaches him to think, feel, 
and act on all occasions as becomes a virtuous 

^ Aristot. Ethics, lib. iii. iv. v. vi. 



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96 

man^ a good citizen, or a friend in the ordinary 
intercourse of society; he who habitually see^ 
with the intuitive eye of taste the beauti/ul and 
the true in architecture, sculpture, and painting, 
may yet want that intellectual excellence em- 
ployed in perceiving abstract truth. Refined and 
masterly as this theory unquestionably is, and 
more just and better adapted than Plato's to the 
wants and capacities of man, it is still inferior to 
that of the rival system in one striking and im- 
portant feature. Aristotle (whatever were his 
sentiments respecting a future state) seems to 
propose the truth, which he teaches us to pursue, 
as belonging in its perfection to our present con- 
dition, as if the powers of the soul could here be 
fully developed; whereas Plato uniformly repre- 
sents it as a foretaste of knowledge, whose fulness 
was yet to come ; a system to be commenced on 
earth, but to be perfected in heaven *. 

While speaking on the doctrines of these philo- 
sophers, it may perhaps be allowable to make an 
observation on a difficult passage in another part 
of Aristotle's works, not entirely unconnected with 
the subject, the meaning of which is still dis- 
puted among critics. I allude to the definition 

' Or rather in some better part of the earth, (7J.) This pre- 
sent habitation of ours, according to Plato^ being only one out 
of many divisions of it. Vid. Phaedo, ad fin. 



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97 

of tragedy in the Poetics, in which he insists upon 
its moral tendency. Plato had banished poets 
from the republic, because he considered the 
images which they presented as calculated to 
strengthen the passions of pity and fear, and thus 
oppose that perfect KaOapa-i^f or purification of the 
soul, which he believed to constitute the excel- 
lence of our nature. Aristotle, it is probable, had 
this theory in his eye when he declared that the 
pity and fear excited by the scenic representations, 
so far from strengthening the passions, would have 
a tendency to weaken them, and purify the soul 
from their more powerful and pernicious effects. 
Plato teaches that the pleasure resulting from 
tragedy would be injurious to our moral consti- 
tution. Aristotle thferefdre felt it necessary to 
declare that this pleasure would have a directly 
•contrary effect, and become an instrument of vir- 
tue : and thus he has gone a little out of his way 
in adding the moral effects of tragedy to a defini- 
tion already sufliciently complete. 

G. 

Many authors have done themselves little cre- 
dit in the attempt to degrade the character of 
Socrates by bringing together calumnies founded 
upon the representation of later writers, in whom 
little confidence is to be placed. Those who have 

H 



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98 

examined his opinions, as recorded bjr his own 
disciples, will understand the bold expressioBS of 
an illustrious modern sch<dar, ^'Sancte Socrates^ 
^ ora pro nobis/' The Yices attributed to him are 
disproved by the testimony of Alcibiades in the 
yery treatise, the Ckmviyium of Plato, most fre- 
quently cited to establish the contrary o]^nion : 
and it should be recollected, that the immoral 
sentiments contained in this treatise are put into 
the mouth of Aristophanes^ and are censured by 
Socrates himself as evidences of a debased mind. 
In other parts of Plato's writings the same vices 
are reprobated : thus in the first book of the Laws 
the TO 'Kofa ifwtrn rokfMiiiA is an expression in which 
Socrates stron^y marks the infamy of the oime. 
The latter part of the Cionvivium may be con- 
sulted, from which the following sentences are 
sdected : Alcibiades, describing his reverence for 
his master, observes, TihtcmBa t\ %po^ rwrw /ijivw wh 
BpifKonl^^ % ovK . a» ri^ otono ev i/Aci eueTwu, to euayfrnfftm 

OTof yap ^A'XfXktvg eyivero, car€iKaa'€i€v Sat rt^ kou 
BpacriicQf KM aXkovf, kcu oTog av Ilc^i/^X^f, km Nearopa 
KM 'AvT^opa"^, eh) ie kcu crepoi' oJog ii f^vroc) yjyove 
T^v ar^9M¥ wmpwtogy km ovto^ km oi koyoi eamVf cvo 
iyyvg ay €vpid ri^ {V;r£y, evre tSv vvy ourf rSv vakBum* 

Ov^ev v€piTroT€pov KaraH^ap^Kig aAvrqu fjuera Sa^- 
* Conviviura, Bekker, p. 454. " Bekker, p. 465. 



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39 

Vide also Xenophon's Memorabilia, lib* It. 

^' Sunt quidein inter veteres qui ei bbjecerunt 
'< piddiritudine Aldbiadb inferiorem et juvenunt 
'^ corruptbrem fuiste, qua de causa Aspasia quoque 
*^ eum versibus suis traduxit. Sed impudentissi-^ 
'^ maor banc esse calumniam uon sbhim fota vitas* 
^' Socratis ratio loquitur, sed et Aristophtois sil^oi- 
*^ tium probat;" Brucker, pars ii. lib. ii. cap« S. 
p. 539* 

The opinion of Wieland, a mto extremely weU. 
reiid in the philosophers of antiquity, is of some . 
value on such a subject : ^' Socrates was a vir- 
'' tuous man in the highest and comj^test sense 
^^ of the word; in every relation of life he was a 
'^ model for all men.'' Wklan^s JLristippus^ p. 
76. vol. is 

H. 

The figurative r^resentations in the Phaedru» 
wiH be read . with different feelings by different 
minds ; images that are ridiculous and absurd in 
the eyes of some, will appear to others pregnant 
with beauty and truth, in tfare same manner as 
honey and poison may be extracted from the same 
flower^. It should be remembered that Plato him^ 



« Bekker, p, 461. 
• H 2 



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100 

self does not propose his allegories of the souU to 
be understood in a literal sense, but as serving to 
convey, through the medium of sensible images 
and similitudes, some notion of that spiritual es- 
sence whose real nature is unintelligible ; and he 
has evidently attempted to explain the imperfec- 
tions of the soul, in its present union with body, by 
a narrative of its fortunes in an earlier and un- 
compouhded state. It is not easy to follow him 
in his lofty speculations, nor to overtake ** the 
" winged chariots of the gods,** which he so fan- 
cifully describes ; but the general impression that 
remains upon the reader's mind is nearly to the 
following effect : 

'The soul at its first creation was perfect, and 
winged, and sublime in its contemplations; but, 
unable to preserve so high a flight, it descended to 
earth, and its wings fell off, and perished through 
the evil with which it had become connected. The 
desire of man iipon earth should be to recover 
these lost wings by meditations on the good, the 
truef and the celestials 



Plato, Phsedrus, p. 39. Bekker, pan L vol. i. 

' Pheedrus, Bekker, pp. 39. 43. pars i. vol. i. 

* One of the fathers of the church has the same kind of ex- 
pression, teaching us that it is the business of man, " to give 



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101 

The soul is like a winged chariot, borne along 
by two steeds, and guided bj a charioteer. The 
steeds of the celestial intelligences, deitie^ of a 
higher nature than man, are both good, and di- 
rected by the supreme Charioteer, who arranges 
the order and beauty of all things ; the car passes 
lightly forward in its course. Each intelligence 
performs its appointed work, enjoys the contem- 
plation of truth, and visits regions of happiness. 
But the steeds in the winged chariot, destined to 
become man's soul, are one good, the other bad; 
they urge it forward (like our desires now*^) in 
different directions, the one elevating it to heaven^ 
the other depressing it tp earth, and often refiise 
the guidance of the Charioteer. 

I. 

The poetic colouring with which Plato adorns 
his sentiments is frequently considered a proof of 
his insincerity. No one can deny that his mind 
was essentially poetical, that in the highest sense 
of the word he was a poet ; for his constant aspi- 
ration is after some nobler and purer life than any 
this earth can supply. The warmth of his genius 
pervades and elevates every subject which he 

. '* wings to the soul," km apvao-ai Koa-fMV km howM B€f. Vid. 
Leighton's Works, vol. iv. p. 205. 

^ like our desires now'] This application is not made by Plato. 
H 3 



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touches, and imparts an eiia*gy and beauty to his 
descriptions which no poet ever mirpassed. But 
is the' sentiment less true because it is strongly 
coloured ? The ornament may be fiction, but the 
feeling itself, and the foundation of the feeling, is 
truth ^ ; and the voice of nature speaks more com- 
monly its real belief in metaphor and allusion, 
than in measured and artificial language. Those 
elevated descriptions of the future world, the ra- 
diant visions which he creates in order to embody 
his glowing anticipations of happiness to come, 
prove only the intenseness of the feelings with 
which he cherished this hope of imittinrtdiity* 
Hence his imaginary paradise, with its purple and 
golden atmosphere of inconceivable brilliancy and 
clearness, in which aU the rocks are of jasper and 
emerald ^ ; and his assertions, that the trees and 
flowers^ which nature pours forth in such profu- 

^ Aristotle observes, in his Rhetoric, lib. lit. 7, that poetical 
expressions are natural to men under the influence of emotion, 
dpijU-rtfi x^yorri voBiprucSi. If the truth of this precept had been 
kept in mind, Shakspeare would not have been so often cen- 
sured for putting metaphors and images into the mouths of his 
characters when strongly excited. 

** Vid. Pbaedo, pp. 112 — 120; also Republic, book x. pp. 
502 — 516. The prophet Isaiah predicts the future glory of 
Jerusalem in images equally bold : Behold, I will lay thy 
stones with fair colours^ and lay thy foundations with sapplwres. 
And I will make thy windows of agates, and thy gates of car- 
buncles, Isaiah liv. 11, 12. 



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108 

HOB fcMT man's gratification on earthy are but faint 
shadows of those trees and flowers and unfading 
archetypes of beauty, whidi yield fruit and fra« 
grance in some better part of the universe. If he 
declare that in a retreat like this the souls of the 
virtuous will enjoy in another state of being, not 
the sensuality of Mahomet's paradise, but that per- 
fect felicity which will result from the perception 
of substantial truth ; is he to be considered at once 
as a man who disbelieved entirely in personal con« 
sdousness after deatlv and consequently in all re^ 
compense of the good? It, again, he describe the 
dark and tumultuous waves of Cocytus as destined 
to bear the wicked in their bosom round the vast 
circle of the universe, rolling on and tossing them 
unceasingly, and resounding in their ears through 
all the ages of eternity ; is he to be regarded as 
one who in his heart believed that the retribution 
of the wicked in every sense of tiie wcnrd was a. 
fable, an ingenious contrivance o£ the l^slator to 
curb the passions of mankind ? His conceptions of 
paradise were probably derived from traditions re- 
specting the garden of Eden, from which our first 
parents were excluded, and which, in the oriental 
imagery of the book of Job% appears to be alluded 
to as the {dace whose stones are sapphires, and 

^ Job xxviii. 5. 6. Mr. Peters on the book of Job, p. 397. 
tEttsdtHus Pi»p. Evangel, lib. xi. c. '36. 37. 38. 

h4 



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104 

whose dust is gold: and his representations of 

the punishment reserved for the incurably wicked 

might have arisen from traditions^ respecting that 

universal deluge in which the whole guiltj race of 

man once perished. 

K. 

Aristotle's treatise de Anima is extremely per- 
plexed and obscure ^. It is not so much a meta- 
physical as a physical work» the discussions con- 
cerning mind are principally confined to its opera^ 
tions while in connection with body; and those 
who expect to find in it any opinions stated posi- 
tively as to the destination of the human soul in 
another life will be entirely disappointed^^ Aware 
himself of the nature of the subject, the philoso- 
pher observes, at the very commencement, that it 
. is of all things most difficult to obtain clear and 
satisfactory evidence '\ 

In defining soul in general to be a habit consti-^ 
iuting the essential perfection of a natural body^, 

' Mr. Peters, pp. 359. 360. 371. 372. 
Simplicii Prooemium de Anima Aristot. p. i. . 

-^Idem, p. I. ProGemlum. ^ 

^ nam) ^6 Kot t^vf ^flTTi Twv x^'^^^^^"^^''^ XajSciy ri>a miari* 
9€pi av7^i, De Anima, lib. i. cap. i. 

^ 'Errekixfut vpc^rq aitfAarQi <l»jctKW. Lib. il. Cap. I. The WOrd 
ENTEAEXEIA is translated by Cicero, Tusc. Queest. lib. i. c. ip. . 



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105 

it would appear at first sight that He considered 
its existence as inseparable from that of the body 
which it animates. But in the third book, in which 
the vov^, or intelligence of the soul is discussed, 
and which is divided into active and passive, the 
power of actively exercising its functions by think- 
ing and reasoning, and the capacity of receiving 
ideas, Aristotle assigns immortality to this intelli^ 
gence, but denies it memory. It has been dis* 
puted whether he meant the whole of intelligence 
to be immortal, or merely the active power. The 
latter opinion is maintained by Warburton, by 
Tennemann in his History of Philosophy', and has 

continuata motio : it is frequently used in the sense of actus 
as opposed to iy lwaix€i : the translation I have given vnW com- 
prehend the other senses : "'Eo-Tt $€ 19 /xev CXvi ^wdfM^^^Tl Be EI AGS 
ivT€>Jx^ta : it is what constitutes the form or essence of a thing. 
Vid. Origen. Celebres Opiniones de Anima, p. 628. ed. 1618. 
Simplicii Prooemium, p. 2. Towards the end of the first chapr 
ter it is observed, that some of the functions of soul may be se-» 
parated from the body because they are not operations essen- 
tially perfecting any parts of the body : O^ fA^v &KK* hid y€ ci$hf 
Kedhj€i $1^ T^ fAifievlf efyeu awfAaro^ ivrcXex^iai : thus, though the 
sight of the eye cannot be separated from the bodily eye, the 
speculative energy of the soul may be separated from body : 
vepi ^ Tot/ yoti Koi 7^^ Bevfifvuaj^ lwdfjt^»i o^eir» ^yfpoy, ^XX* eoiirc 
.if/t^( yivo^ mfw elyioH tea) rovro ftoW ^y^cxcrai X0PIZE20AI KoBd 
vc^ T^ aiSioy rov ^afrdv. Aristot. de Anima, lib. ii. cap. 2. 

^ Tennemann*s Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophic^ 
art. Aristotle, Lancaster's Harmony of the Law and the Gos- 
pel, p. 431. 



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106 

been recently adopted by Mr. Lancaster. It ap« 
pears that the question, after all, depends upon the 
signification we attach to the term pas^e intdli- 
gence. If Aristotle meant the power which the 
mind has of receiving ideas through ^^mana^ioj 
which depends upon bodily sensation, it is obvious 
that this sensation and 4>ayra<ria being destroyed 
at death, there can be no longer any capacity of 
receiving ideas through the medium of the same 
instruments : but, if we understand by the phrase 
the power of Kceiving ideas without reference 
to the mode in which they are conveyed, there is 
no reason why the passive intelligence should not 
exist after death '". Such an interpretation of the 
fifth and sixth chapters would appear perfectly 
consistent with the assertion that yoS^, or inteUl- 
gence, is immortal, and also with the declaration 
that the manner of its apprekending while in 
connection with the body is not so. It may ex- 

■° Aristotle does not divide the mS<» or mUXUgencBj into ac- 
iwe and passwe with the precision of his Latin translators, but 
describes it as ofj^rating actively and passiveiy, and he cer- 
tainly appears to consider these two kinds of operation as im- 
plied in our very notion of intettigeoee. The term wot$irttKl<; 
9tluq, which ]wre meet with in the sixth chapter^ is not used in 
the fifth, where the functions of intelligence are described^ and if 
it be synonymous with' ^Murro^^ is not to be confounded with 
passwe intelligence, as will readily be seen by a comparison of 
the preceding chapter on ipatfToff^. Aristot. de Aaima, lib* iii. 
cap. 3 — 6. 



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107 

ercise its active powers of thinking ^nd reasoning, 
thou^ more quickly and perfectly after death, in 
the same manner as now; but it cannot apprehend 
ideas in the same way, viz. throbgfa the medium 
of ^fTouTiaf which depends upon bodilj sensation.' 
It does not follow then, Jbecaude Aristotle denies 
that the instruments by which the soul energizes 
while in connection with the'' body will remain 
after death, that the soul is to discontinue its 
energies — ^that because it is no longer to receive 
ideas through sensation '^^ it is to have no ideas at 
all. For my own part, I do not understand what 
is meant by the existence of active intelligence 
afl;er death ^ without supposing that its activity is 
to continue. Active intelligence, inert and with- 
out consciousness, is a contradiction in terms; and 
so far from Aristotle denying consciousness to the 
soul when separated from the body, as Tenne- 
mann and others represent him to have done, he 
speaks in the preceding chapter of its ability in 

^ Origen observes that even msny notions which the soul 
iias in its present state, its ideas of the Deity for example, are 
independent of body ; varr)] xex^ptrrou cr^fiard^ 4i roMvmi 4»€py€(a 
Koi ATTHS AE TH2 4ANTAZIA2. Origen, de Anima, p. 640. 

Does not Aristotle mean that it may receive ideas in another 
way, when, speaking of the intellect^ he observes, AnA6ES apa 
^€7 Jmu, AEKTIKON AE TOT EIA0T2 ? De Anima, lib. iii. c. 5. 

^ 02It»( vw^ X»pt<rrlqy Koi ayuyiiii ko* &irA^(, THI OTSIAI ON 
BNEPFEIA. Again, Odx M [acy if^eT M hk w Mt Aristot. de 
Anima, lib. iii. cap. 6. 



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108 

this state to speculate upon itself <". It is true, he 
might mean this consciousness not to be l^eparate 
and individual, but a part of and absorbed in the 
consciousness of the one universal Mind ; but he 
has never told us that this was his opinion, (ac- 
cording to Warburton's gratuitous assumption,) nor 

P Ko) aMf U aifxh t^c h/ifdtou yecry. Aristot. de Anima, 
lib. ill. cap. 5. Origen. Opiniones de Anima, p. 677. As far as 
I can understand Aristotle's notion, it appears to be this ; the 
soul of man is like an unwritten tablet^ ypa/jt^rfiw f fnfiiv tt* 
«^ei, lib. iii. cap. 5. The senses exercised upon external ob- 
jects communicate impressions to p^^ntona which retains them, 
and the intellect speculates and reasons upon the ideas so ob- 
tained. De Anima, lib. iii. c. 3. et 4. At death the senses and 
the phantasia perish, but the intellect, having no necessary 
connection with the two former, survives and is immortal, 
prigen confirms this view of the subject: ^ f^v tparraaia rSv 
%€rF€ ouaBvi9€w ^eyjerou ret^ ti^ov(. Opmiones de Anima, p. 620. 
^AKToa/a yap imp ^ T«y ^aufBrnvw crdffi^, trrifai yitp iy ain^ rit 
ti» ^oyeyra, p. 6 1 9. Again, p. 66 1. Aristotle (he observes) 
likens the soul to an unwritten tablet^ Plato to a written tablet. 
And in other passages he mentions that Aristotle was aware of 
the rational soul being separable from bodj and immortal, and 
of its capacity iu this state for receiving the images of intel- 
lectual things. Conf. pp. 660. 631. It is surely a most un- 
warrantable inference to argue, because a metaphysical writer 
declares that the faculties which receive and retain impressions 
from sensible and external objects perish at death, that he be- 
lieved the soul in a separate and disembodied state no longer to 
possess individual consciousness, and to be incapable of having 
any power of thought whatever apart from the universal Mind. 
It would appear from the comparison of the unwritten tablet 
that Locke's theory is not altogether novel. 



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109 

does such a consequence necessarily follow from 
any assertion in any part of his works. He denies 
indeed the continuance of memory after deaths 
which he observes is the residt of 0avracr/a, and, if 
memory be absent, it may be asked, how can the 
consciousness of personal identity exist, the loss of 
which would be fatal to the expectation of future 
recompense ? But with regard to this conclusion 
I would venture to remark, that, though memory 
be excluded, it does not necessarily follow that 
the knowledge which man obtains or preserves by- 
means of memory, while mind and body are unit- 
ed, is to cease when they are separated. Aristotle 
assigns to the Deity consciousness of happiness, 
apprehension of ideas, and an interest in the con- 
duct and fortunes of mankind ; and yet, by deny- 
ing him ^bodily sensation, virtually denies him me- 
mory. He has defined niemory to be a faint per- 
ception of past reality : the perception of this re- 
ality may be conveyed in another way, and more 
vividly, after death \ In the Ethics the dead are 
said to be affected by the fortune of their living 
friends, yet not affected so far as to have their 
condition changed by this sympathy, whether they 

»i The Epicurean in Cicero accuses Aristotle of depriving 
the Deity of thought, because he deprived him of body. De Na^ 
tura Deorum lib. t. cap. 13. 

' Aristotle*s Ethics, book i. chap. 11. 



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110 

are happy or oiherwiae. It is dear from tiiis peak 
sage that the dead are supposed to be coascious 
oi personal identity, and to be sensible of pleasure 
and pain, and that tiiey are £vided into classes, 
sotne beii^ happy and others not so^ But if the 
happiness of man in this life is not in Aristotle's 
opinion a capridous gift of the gods, but the re» 
ward of virtuous actions S it is not easy to imagine 
any otiier drcumstances or conditions on which 
the f(»tunes of tiie soul after death could be made 
to depend. And this consideration would lead us 
back to the necessity of some sort of future re« 
tribution which the metaphysical theory we hare 
just examined apparently tended to anniliHate; 
It is surprising, that while almost every other 
branch of human knowledge has beai investigated 
by Aristotle, how little consideration he has be* 
stowed upon the question of the souFs immor- 
tality. It is impossible to spieak positively as to 
his opinions cm the subject ; for tiuroughouthis vo* 
luminous woiira, metaphysical, phyacal, and moral, 
we find no suffident data from which to deduce 

* This positive opinion can hardly be overthrown by the as- 
sertion jn the third book, that death ts most terrible because it 
is an end, and there appears to be neither good nor evil be- 
yond. Aristotle's Ethics, book iii. chap. 6. He might speak 
thus of death, and the fear of death, in the mind of man with- 
out intending thereby to deny a future state. 

* Aristotle*s Ethics, book i. chap. 9. book x. chap. ?. 



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Ill 

any certmn concluiSon. It is pvobaUe, from the 
practical charaeter of his Bs£nd» that he was nn^ 
willing to indiilge in specuktbns on a question 
from the dbcussion of which he could arriye at no 
dear and -accuraite knowledge. It is not often 
thftt we meet; with a more ccmiplete example of 
what the k^cians call the petUio prineipii thim 
tiie asserti<His of Warburton respecting the chap- 
ter we have attempted to discuss. Cudworth had 
dedaied it to be obscure^ but^ says the author of 
the Legation, "^^had that excdlent person re- 
^^ fleeted on the general doctrine of the TO 'EN he 
*^ would have found the passage plain and easy." 
And he sums up his c^iservatioos in that conve- 
nient form of words recommended by the ancient 
sophists and rhetoricians, to silence opposition by 
alarming the adversary into an idea that his dis- 
sent will be interpreted as a proof of ignorance: 
« The learned well know that the Intellectus 
'^ Agens of Aristotle was the very same with the 
" Anima Mundi of Plato and Pythagoras/' Now, 
omitting aU further inquiiy into the c<»Teetness 
of Warburton's representations respecting Plato's 
creed, it may be sufficient to observe at present, 
that if the learned have acquired such scd^isfactory 
knowledge of the opinions entertained by the Sta- 

" Divine Legation* lib. iii. sect. 4. vol* ii. p. 112. 



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112 

gyrite on the same subject, it must have beeii- 
from other sources than his own writings. 

That Aristotle believed in a * Supreme Being; 
the original Mover of all things^ enjoying perfect 
felidtj, and the source of all good^ may be abun- 
dantly proved; that, besides the Supreme Being, 
he maintained the existence also of y one inteUi- 
gent Principle (notwithstanding his notion that 
all the spheres were animated essences) pervading 
the universe, may be inferred from some expres- 
sions in his metaphysical works, and from a direct 
assertion in his Politics. In addition to these, he 
appears to have considered ^Nature as a third 
and distinct cause, performing its functions sub- 
ordinate to and dependent on the two former'; 

' ifaytXy ^ rhv Btov ilvau Xfi^ &thtov api<rrwy &rt€ ^a;^ km atww avr^ 
cx^< tceu Mioi vtdfx^i rf $€f,' Metaph. lib. xiv.'cap. 7. 

'H cbfx^ Kou rl • vpSrw tSv trrw &KUfifrw Kot KoXt aetnL Ibid, 
cap. 8. 

ytviciq. Ibid. cap. 10. . 

*0 de^f 8oKc7 TO oJTioy Too-iy &au kou, &^ ri^. Ibjfl. lib. i. C. 2. 

Xl^a cxci rS^yoBit i BtU Kod Irruf a^dpKVjq, Magna Mondia, 
lib. ii. cap. 15. 

' y ^XoXg yiip &y 0co( ^04 KokJu^ kou XIM O ROSMOS, of<; o^ic ciViy 
ii»T€piKa) ir^ofcK va^ r^ oiKetaq r^ (Urw, Aristot. Politic, lib. 
vii. cap. 3. Vide sko Metaph. lib. xiv. cap. 8. de Coelo, lib. it. 
cap. 3. Idem, lib. i. cap. 9. 

« 'Elf rouaSmii ofa &fxi^ ^fruf^au wpem^ kou ^ ^TSIS. Metaph. 
lib. xiv. cap. 7. Vide also Phys. lib. ii. cap. t. 



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lis 

bat he has by no means clearly or consistently 
explained the peculiar province of each, nor the 
relation which they bear to the human soul. Al- 
though therefore it may be allowed that he held 
the doctrine of the Anima Mundi, he does not 
seem to have taught it in the fulness of Plato's 
sense, who confounds it with the law of NiMture, 
and gives a diffuse account of its creation, attri- 
butes, and operations. This view of his » opinions 
is supported by the authority of ^Eusebius and 
other fathers of the church, who triumphantly 
mention the discordance of these great teachers 
on the subject, as contrasted with the harmony of 
the inspired writers. It is well known also that 
the two philosophers were opposed to each other 
respecting the origin of the world itself: Plato 
believed that matter in disorder^ was eternal, 
Aristotle, that matter arranged^ or the world, was 
eternal ; a doctrine which he probably borrowed 

^ In EusebiuB, Praeparat. Evangel, lib. xv. cap. I2. where an 
extract is given from Porphyry containing an account of Plato's 
Anima Mupdi, the following words occur: Il/iof Mk» Wrow 

ySpt vtl fjueiq ^n^€«{ ^iOiXCiij^dU, &C. 

^ De Coelo, lib. i. cap. lo. Idem, lib. ii. cap. i. Cicero, Tusc. 
Quaest. lib. i. cap. 29. Eusebius, Prasparat. Evangel, lib. xv. 
£ap. 6, &c. It should be observed, in consulting Aristotle 
de Coelo, that odfa»l^ is frequently used by him to signify the 
world : it has the same sense also in Plato's Timaeus. 

I 



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114 

from Ocellus Lucanus S who in this instance de- 
serted the principles of his master Pythagoras, 
and almost all the more ancient writers. 

TiMJBUS. 

It has been asserted that Plato never confounds 
the Soul of the universe with the one First Cause 
and Creator of all things. In illustration of this 
assertion it may not be uninteresting, however ex- 
travagant and Uttle intelligible such a ** rhapsody 
*' rather than a philosophy" may be in itself, to 
give a short abstract of the creation of the world 
compressed from the Timaeus. Having observed 
that it is difficult to discover the Maker and Fa- 
ther of all things, and when we have discovered 
him it is impossible to reveal him to all men; hav- 
ing laid down a necessary distinction ^between 
what is created and uncreated, and declared that 
the one is discerned by reason and intelligence, 
(vorja-tff) the other by sensible perception, (a/erft^o-i^,) 
the author proceeds to give an account of creation 
in terms which he premises will be akin to the 
nature of the subjects treated of, where proba- 

^ Vide an extnust from Philo Judsiu in Gales Opusc. My- 
tUolog. p. 501. ed. 1688. 

d "Ecrty oSy ^ Kor* ifi^ Zifea^ icflSrw htmpertw rdU, ti r^ iSy itci, 
yip€<raf ^ od#c cx«y> Km ti to yvyvi^upw fihf SUl^ h hk tMwvrt ', Bek* 
ker, pars iii. vol. li. Timseus, p. 22. 



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115 

bilitj not certainty is to be expected. In that 
flowing and beautiful language which is peculiar 
to him, as dilSerent from the compressed and sim-- 
pie style of the short composition by Timaeus the 
Locrian as the ornamented Corinthian column 
from its Doric original, he explains in detail how 
the supreme Deity, influenced by the desire of 
diffusing his own ^goodness, out of disorder re- 
duced to ^ order the fluctuating mass of matter, 
gave intelligence to the soul, united soul with 
body, till the whple material world arose into ex- 
istence, an « animal endowed with life and intelli* 
gence through the providence of God. In the 
formation of this visible fabric after the model of 
the invisible archetype which was eternal in the 
divine Mind, the Creator first toolc fire and earth, 
and m^de the union of these two substances com- 
plete by the addition of a third called Analogia^, or 

^ *Aya6U hi ^0^9 d€ o^if fKfi dibtvlq oiHiegort iyyiyiferou ^wq^' 
Tot^ov 3* ^fCTOf ^y fcSrta %ri f^d/uara y^yMm ifiovk^^ xapavAoia'ta 
iavrf. Timseus, p. 25. 

f Ei$ Tc^iy edr^ ^ayttf iK t?^ drofiaf. TinHms, ibid. 

8 Z»w cfiipvp^y €wow re 1^ akmhi^ ht^ ryfv rw $€9u y&Mai vf^** 
y0iay. Timsus, p. 26. 

^ Thn Analogia appears to be the law of nature, like the 
it^ *Apjt«oyi«K, tbe law of harmonious arrangement ; (Aristot. 
Polit. lib. i. cap. 3j) ^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ beautifully described by 
Hooker, to which aU things in heaven and earth do homage : 

voig. Timseus, p. 28. The principles on which Analogia per- 

l2 



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116 

Proportion, which was to regulate the order and 
fimits of their connection. The First Cause next 
took air and water, gave it in charge to Analogia 
to combine these with the former elements, and 
all with itself, till the one vast fabric was botind 
together in the ties of fnendship indissoluble, ex- 
cept at the hands of him who first connected it. 
The supreme Creator then assigned motion to the 
whole, and placed a soul in the centre, that its 
energy might be extended from thence through- 
out the various parts. Thus did the eternal 
Deity create the universe as an inferior deity 
possessed of consdousness and enjoying happi- 
ness; a second cause and servant of himself; 
{eiicuiMva Bew eyemt^traro.) But this Soul of the 

forms its functions, Plato attempts to illustrate by a mystical 
application of the relations of numbers. Vide Timseus the 
Locrian also Aristot. Metaph. lib. i. cap. 5. It should be re- 
membered, however, that when the ancients appear to speak 
so extravagantly of the power of number, they do not use the 
word exactly in our sense, but as conveying the idea that all 
things are subject to certain definite rules and propoltions, 
which may be illustrated by the operation of numbers 5 as if 
they had some obscure notions of those physical laws of com- 
bination which modem philosophers have demonstrated: Ol 
fiit¥ y&p nvBay^fiiM MIMH2IN t^ trrd ^» cW tw ApAfi&v. 
Aristot. Meftaph. lib. i. cap. 6. Thus when Aristotle in his 
Rhetoric observes, Xltfaiynai Be <&p«0^ ve^yra, *< All things are 
'* limited by number," he means, probably, all things are sub- 
ject to some definite law. 



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117 

world, though mentioned last in the deacrip^ 
tion, was not contrived the last in order^ 
but was prior both in production and in excel- 
lence. It was composed of three essences, the 
divisible and changeable, the indivisible and nu^ 
changeable, and of a third made up of the combi- 
nation of the other two. From these three sub^ 
stances, the divinity formed one soul, and distri- 
buted it to the different members of the universe* 
But when the composition of the soul had been 
thus completed according to the intention of the 
Composer V the eternal Cause then contrived all 
the material mass within, and united it centre to 
centre^. The soul, diffusing itself from hence, 

» EHEI AE RATA NOTN TOl STN12TANTI ntaaa ^ t?? tf/t;xSf« 
{r^Too-if iyeyerfiTo, /Ker^ rovro way to o-w^toci^^ irroq oMji frcicTo/- 
MTo. Thus translated by Cicero : ** Aninmm igitur quum ille 
** procreator mundi Peus ex ma mente et dvomitate genuisset.*' 
This can hardly be considered a translation of the words. If 
ex sua mente alone will bear the meaning, « according to hk 
" intention/' ex sua mente et divinitate together, can scarcely 
signify any thing else than, " out of his own divine essence/' 
which Plato does not say. Ciceronianuni Lexicon Grseco-La- 
tinum ab Henrico Stephano, edit. 1557. Platonis Loci a Ci- 
cerone Interpretad, p. 23. 

^ The principles on which this distribution is made are de- 
scribed with all the useless and unintelligible mysticism in 
which Plato was so fond of indulging. The laws, again by 
which the composition of the soul was regulated are explained 
by a fanciful combination of numbers. In this sense, the 
number of the soul in Timaeus the Locrian is declared to be 

I 3 



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118 

pervaded the extremity of the heaven revolving 
upon itaelf around it, and establbhed the com- 
mencement of a life unceasing and full of intel- 
lectual enjojment. Formed bj the most excellent 
Creator the most excellent of created things, it is 
endowed with a capacity of perceiving eternal 
truths. From its proportionate distribution and 
compound essence, and self-revolving power^, when 
it approaches any divisible or indivisible substance, 
it is enabled to discern, by moving itself through 
its own entire nature, the identity and differences 
of things, to what class each belongs, the time and 
place and manner of its existence, the distinction 

1 14695. Vide Timseus the Locrian. Bekker, pars iii. vol. iii. 
p. 3^2. 

Absurd as these speculations of Plato are, they are more than 
equalled by those of Daijes, a German writer, (and he was only 
one of a school,) not a century ago, whoj)ub}ished a philoso- 
phical treatise to demonstrate the Trinity by algebraical farmuke. 
Tractatus philosophicus in quo Phiralitas Personarum in Deitate, 
&C.1735. Problems of the same kind are also tO be found in Stap* 
fer, a divine of a different church, in a learned work, (Institu- 
tiones Theolog. tomi 5. Tiguri, 1 743.) Vid. vol. iii. p. 48 1, 48a, 
&c. And Dr. Hutchinson^ in his inquiry into the origin of our 
ideas of beauty and virtue, has applied algebra to the question 
of "moral merit:" "The benevolence (moral merit) of an 
" agent is proportional to a fraction, having the moment of 
** good for the numerator, and the ability of the agent for the 
" denominator." Life and Writings of Dr. Reid, in Dugald 
Stewart's edition of his works. 

* Cicero dc Natura Deorum lib. i. cap. 10. 



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119 

between essences eternal and the same, and those 
created and t^hangeaUe. But when the Father 
who had made this image of the eternal deities 
had seen it living and moving, he was well-pleased 
and rejoiced, and he determined to perfect his 
work, and to render it still more similar to the 
original archetype. He then applied himself to 
the creation of time ™, the sun, moon, and stars, 
and other divinities, who though parts of the one 
vast animal, are endowed with separate conscious- 
ness and personal happiness ^. When the Father 

^ It is remarkable that Plato makes no distinction of time in 
the eternal archetype of the world as it existed in the divine 
mind ; Aeyoftcy y^p ^ i&^ ^ «<rT« r€ Kcd tvxau^ tJ Sc t) cirri iiuiww 
Kara rlv itXifiH )Jyov vpoa-^Kei, Timfleus, p. 36. 

" This is certainly Plato's theory, Timseus, p. 29. If then all 
the animals which are parts of the material universe possess 
separate consciousness, what reason is there for supposing that 
he believed the soul after death, when it became a part of uni- 
versal mind, would lose its personality. He uniformly repre- 
sents it as possessed of individuality. Parts are used in a figu- 
rative sense : Plato himself tells us that the term body is ap- 
plied to the universe, not literally, but figuratively, (Timaeus, p. 
30.) I am well aware that by subsequent writers the distinctions 
of the philosopher were not so accurately observed, and that 
the still greater absurdity of their notions respecting the Anima 
Mundi might justify the satire of the Epicurean in Cicero, or 
the keener ridicule of St. Augustine : though we can hardly 
imagine the creed of any to have extended so far as to embrace 
the belief, that all things were literally a ^ part of Jupiter, and 
that the Deity in the torrid zone was parched'with heat, and in 
the hyperborean regions was stiff ^ith cold ; and that he actually 

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120 

of all things had created these principal parts of 
the universe^ he afterwards assigned to them, as 
second causes and subject ddties, their subordinate 
departments in the work of creation. To their 
care was committed the formation of other ani* 
mated essences inferior to themselves* They are 
charged in gratitude for the immortality which 
their Maker in his benevolence has given them» 
and to which they had no natural daim^ to devote 
themselves diligently to the task: '^^ Deities of dei- 
** ties^ of whom I am Creator and Father, ye are 
** not immortal and indissoluble; what I have made 
^* I can dissolve, yet ye shall not be dissolved, nor 
V be subject to death, through the might of my 
'* will. Apply yourselves to the creation of am- 
" mals, imitating my power exerted in your pro- 
** duction. I wiU furnish you with the first prin- 
^^ ciples and eternal seeds for the formation of 
** those who are to resemble the immortal Gods, 
" but do ye, adding the mortal to the immortal 
** nature, moidd and produce them into being, 

died in men, and was whipped in boys : " Quid iDfelicius credi 
" potest quam Jovis partem vapulare cum puer vapulat," Gcero 
d£ Natura D^orum lib. i. cap. lo, ii. St. Augustin, Civ. Dei, 
lib. iv. cap, 13. Dr. Ireland, p. 184, 185. Vide also Comment. 
Marsil. Ficini, lib. iii. cap. 3. Plotini Ennead. 4. 

^ The spirit and beauty of the passage beginning ^«« $tSy, 
&v iy^ hvifAtovpyli wa-nip tc ipytf¥ will be felt by every reader of 
Plato'. Tiraaeus, p. 43. 



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121 

^' nourish and multiply them, and receive badb 
*^ their dissolved elements when they perish.'- 
Saying this, he turned to the cup in which he had 
tempered the soul of the universe, and mingled 
the materials in the same manner as before, but of 
inferior purity ; and having formed souls, he dis^ 
tributed them to different stars, each to its own 
star, to be reserved for the production of an ani- 
mal distingubhed for pieCy towards the Gods. 
When these souls should be introduced into 
bodies, and become subject to the influence of 
bodily passions, the Creator ordained that the man 
who lived his allotted time subduing his appetites 
should enjoy a life of future happiness, returning 
to that kindred star in which his spirit had been 
at first deposited. If he failed to conquer them, 
he was destined in his second formation to put on 
the nature of woman p, and unless corrected then, 
he was to pass into other animals, till the irrational 
part should be at length overcome, and his soul 
should approach to that excellency and purity in 
which it had at first been formed. The Creator 
having established these laws, in order that him* 

P In other works Plato seems to consider women on an 
equality with men. Vid. Republic, fifth book, in which he re- 
commends the same course of bodily and mental discipline, 
IMvau»i and yvfi^ouTTiKviy to both. Aristotle considered women 
inferior. Aristot. Polit. book i. chap. 13. 



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122 

self might be guiltless of the evil which should 
hereafter infect tiiem^ interspersed some souls in 
the moon, others in the. sun, and others in the 
various stars. The inferior deities, having received 
these first principles of the immortal Soul, proceed 
to the accomplishment of their work, and to form 
the body of man as well as that mortal soul which 
is the seat of the passions, and of pleasure and 
pain : of pleasure, the greatest allurement to evil; 
of pain, that most strongly deters us from good ; 
of anger and fear, inconsiderate twin-counseUors ; 
of hope, that eadlj seduces by means of the 
irrational senses ; and of love, that dares every 
enterprise. Yet, fearing to mingle their work 
with that of the supreme Deity, they implant this 
irrational soul in the breast, whereas the immortal 
soul was placed in the head, in order that from 
this acropolis, or citadel, it might issue its com- 
mands with authority to the inferior faculties and 
passions. 

An apology is perhaps necessary for introducing 
such a wild and fanciful narrative to the notice of 
the reader, but it may possibly furnish some illus- 
tration of Plato's opinions, as well as of the poeti- 
cal colouring with which he adorned them, though 
we may be unable to determine the exact mea- 
sure of belief which he himself gave to the dif- 
ferent parts of such a theory. It is clear how- 



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133 

ever, from the tenor of the whole account, that 
he never confounds the soul of the universe with 
the One First Cause ; nor, can any inference be de- 
duced, either directly or indirectly, from it, that 
he believed the human soul after death would so 
become a part of the Anima mundi as to lose per- 
sonal consciousness. It will be no uninstructive 
lesson to compare this diffuse and tedious history, 
in which the- acts of the Deity are so elaborately 
detailed, with the simple and sublime language of 
inspiration on the same subject. If such an argu- 
ment were wanting to establish the truth of the 
Mosaic history, the style itself would furnish 
strong evidence in its favour. No attempt is 
made to enchain the reader's attention, or satisfy 
unprofitable curiosity upon matters too exalted 
for human comprehension, by copious and high- 
wrought descriptions. The sacred writer repre- 
sents not the Creator mingling elements and sub- 
stances like an earthly workman^, and determining 
by calculated arrangements and multiplied com- 
binations the limits and proportions of their union, 
but as an Almighty Being, whose words and 
whose works are the same. The single sentence, 

'1 The disciple of Epicurus in Cicero makes this objection to 
Plato's narrative : " Quae molitio ? quae ferramenta ? qui vectes ? 
** quae machinse? qui rainistri tanti operis fuerant?'* De Natura 
Deorum lib. i. cap. 8. 



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124 

IjBt there be lights and there wm Ught, served at 
ooce to repress curiosity, and fill the mind with a 
magnificent image of that infinite Power, who 
^ie, and it was done ; who commanded, and it 
$toodfaet. 

The work of Timaeus the Locrian' in the Doric 
dialect, which has been before alluded to, and 
which is supposed to contain the principles of the 
Pythagoreans, differs in no important particulars 
from the more diflfuse description of Plato. Two 
original principles aire represented as existing from 
eternity, God or Mind, and Necessity; Oeo; or 
voS^, and aMv/^r^, of which Matter and Form^ ZXii 
and Ma, are the offspring ^. And it is asserted in 
^another passage, that before the heaven was pro* 
duded the Deity and Matter existed, and also the 
essentialarchetype or form of things^. The Soul 
of the universe is described as the composition of 
the Deity with a degree of minuteness and mysti- 
cism that Plato himself has not surpassed. But 
there is nothing in the narrative to lead us to the 
inference that the writer imagined the First Cause 
to confound himself with the Soul of the universe, 
the work of his own creation, or that the soul of 

^ TtfMuoi Aoxpof rdU <£<pa is the commencement of the work. 

^ n^iv m eipeaiov y€P€ff6ai Xoy^ licnpf t^a re Ka) tXet KOt o Oco^; 
hofjiMvpyoi ru fitXrUy^^. Bekker, pars lii. vol. iii. p. 380. The 
Deity is also called 'A^vi rSy ofirrw, p. 379. 



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125 

man was absorbed in it after death. The neces^ 
sitj of the irrational part obeying the rational is 
insisted on, and it is declared, that the perception 
of truth will conduct the man who observes thi& 
law to a life of the greatest happiness ". But it is 
uncertain whether this relates to a future state of 
happiness or not. The idea of future punishment, 
and the menaces respecting it, are discarded, and 
such doctrines are permitted only as providing a 
check for those who refuse the admonitions of 
reason ^. Yet the -last words of the treatise leave 
a doubt upon the mind whether the writer, re». 
jecting as he did the representation of the poets,, 
and the fables of the metempsychosis, had not 
some belief in an avenging Nemesis to punish the 
guilty after death ; nor are they satisfactorily ex-* 
plained by the distinction that Warburtofa make9 
between the physical and moral metempsychosist 

^ Ai* &KoS€VTdTav ^iav ayerou iv) roy tvfiatfMyiaTarw pioy, Bek- 
ker, pars iii« vol. iii. p. 391. 

Ota's. Timaeus ad fin. Vide also the concluding sentence of the 
treatise. If Plato had left no works of his own behind him, 
this passage might have been admitted as afibrding evidence of 
his opinions ; but its authority is of little weight when opposed 
to the numerous treatises written by himself, in which contrary 
doctrines are inculcated. Vid. Warburton*s Divine Legation, 
book iii. sect. 3. also sect. i. vol. ii. p. 2. 54, 55. 



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126 

In conclusion it may be obsenred, that War- 
burton's knowledge of ancient philosophy was 
more extended, than sound and accurate^. He 
asserts, that Aristotle believed the care of Provi- 
dence not to extend to individuals; the Ethics 
alone might have convinced him of his error. 
He denies that the affection of love, joy, &c. were 
believed by Plato and Pythagoras to belong to the 
supreme Deity, but only to inferior divinities'; in 
the Timaeus the supreme Deity is represented as 
rooking when he had made the world. He ob* 
serves again, that in taking away human passions 
from God, they left him nothing but that kind of 
natural excellence which went not from his willy 
but his essence only. The assertion is not limited 
to the Stoics, but applied universally. Did the 
author of the Divine Legation ever read the pas- 
sage in the Timseus before alluded to ? ^' Deities of 
'' deities, ye are not immortal, and yet ye shall not 
'' be dissolved, r?^ c/t^f fiovXrfren^ k. r. A. through 
" the power of my wiUJ' •Upon a general re- 

y Book iii. sect. 4. p. 95, 96. vol. ii. Aristot. Ethics, lib. L 
cap. 9. lib. X. cap. 8. EZ yd^ t^ iwifUXtia rSh Mparrtiwif twl 8c5y 
y£ktveu t^tp (oircr, xoti cli) cSv ^hryw yjadpav re odra^ Tf ^vyyoc- 
oTd^Tf. and hence he deduces the inference, that he is the hap^* 
piest man who is dearest to the gods. Cudworth, lib. i. cap. i. 
sect. 45. 

' Book iii. sect. 4. p. 97, 98. vol. ii. 

■ Vide also Alcinous on the doctrines of Plato, cap. x. Cud* 
worth, lib. i. cap. 4. p. 415. 



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127 

view of the inquiry, we may, I think, venture to de- 
termine^ that he has by no means proved his asser- 
tions against the philosophers of Greece ? to quote 
the words of Mosheim \ ** Non apertis et planis 
^^ testimoniis causam suam agit vir praeclarus, quod 
^^ in tanti momenti accusatione necessarium vide- 
** tur, sed canjecturis tantum, exemplis nonnuUis, 
^^ denique consectariis ex institutis quibusdam et 
** dogmatibus philosophorum quibusdam ductis." 
Though the author of the Divine Legation has 
attempted to refute this charge, it will appear, 
upon an accurate examination, not only strictly 
true^ but to fall short of the truth. In what man<- 
ner, for example, are the opinions of Plato attempt- 
ed to be ascertained? Not by a comprehensive 
view of his own writings, but by an appeal to 
Jamblichus, Albinus, or Celsus. The sentiments 
of Aristotle are pronounced upon after an investi- 
gation equally partial and unsatisfactory. The 
most important passage in the Ethics that bears 
upon the subject is omitted, and the observations 
on the chapters in the treatise de Anima are made 
up partly of unwarranted assumption, partly of 
reasoning, alike superficial and unphilosophicaL 
The statements of bishop Warburton, respecting 
the other philosophers of Greece^ are often founded 

^ De Rebus Christ. anteConstantiDumMagDura, p.i8. quoted 
by Warburton, lib. iii. sect. 4. vol. ii. p. 138. 



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128 

in the same manner upon scattered passages, ap- 
plied with wonderful dexterity and ingenuity, but 
not upon* any general comparison of their writ- 
ings. Nor does he shew much critical acumen 
(and this is surprising in so acute a writer) in dis- 
tinguishing the relative value of the testimonies 
which he cites. He appears at times to argue in 
the spirit of a man who might think Plutarch, or 
even Porphjrry, as good evidence for the doctrine 
of the Academy as Plato himself; and M. Antoni- 
nus or Apuleius sound authorities on the philoso- 
phy of Aristotle. In answer to the chancellor of 
Oottingen, he asserts, that the Greek philosophers 
are proved by him to have made use of a double 
doctrine — to have held it lawful to deceive, and 
to say one thing when they thought another — ^to 
have sometimes owned, and sometimes denied a 
future state of rewards and punishments — to have 
held that God could not be angry, nor hurt any 
one — that the soul was part of the substance of 
God — to have avowed that the consequence of 
these ideas of God and the soul was no future 
state of rewards and punishments. But how few 
of these propositions have been established upon 
any solid grounds. The author of the Divine Le- 
gation has not shewn, ner is it possible to shew, 
that Plato and Aristotle held the notion of a 
double sense distinct from the division of doctrines 



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129 

into exoteric and esoteric : the asseiHon, that Plato 
hdd it lawful to deceive for the public good, is 
grounded chiefly on a translation of a sentence by 
Cicero, either wrong in itself, or misunderstood : 
that they sometimes owned and sometimes denied 
a ftiture. state, is not true of Flato> if it is meant 
that his expressions of denial, or rather of doubts 
bear any proportion to those Of belief and ac- 
knowledgment ; and in the case of other philoso^ 
phers, occasional doubts upon such a subject would 
fiimish^no very decisive evidence against the ge* 
neral character of their belief. That they held God 
could not be angr^, was an opinion of some sects 
of philosophy, not of all : the supposition that the 
soul^ was part of the substance of God does not 
necessarily affect the argument respecting a future 
state of retribution; for the Platonists did not 
imagine that being a part of universal mind ex- 
cluded the notion of personal consciousness : that 
they avowed the consequences of these ideas of 
God and the soul was no future state of rewards 
and punishments, is not true of the philosophers 
in general, but chiefly of the Stoics. Nor are the 
theories of bishop Warburton*^ respecting the be- 

^ Tertullian held that the soul was part of the substance of 
God. • ' 

^ In Schrockh's Ecclesiastical History there is this brief and 
just criticism on Warburton*s theory : Sinnreich genug, aher 

K 



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180 

lief of Che ancient Jews supported by more solid 
'arguments. History, prophecy, and precept, the 
common hopes and fears of mankind, are all made 
to bend to the supposed influence of a law, which, 
while it induded within the range of its enact- 
ments temporal rewards as well as punishments^ 
cannot be proved upon any sound principles to 
have excluded the expectation of future recom- 
pense. Our admiration of learning and ingenuity, 
however perverted and misapplied^ will always en-> 
sure to the works of Warburton a certain d^ree 
of popularity ; but opinions like those developed 
in the Divine Legation of Moses will never ex- 
tensively prevail* till the love of novelty and inge- 
nuity gets the better alike of sober criticism and 
common sense. 

nwr iinnrach! ''Ingenious enough, but onfy ingenious!" 
Schrdckh viiL theil. toL zliii. p. 753. 



THE END. 



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THE NEW VORK PUBLIC LIBRARY 
HEPERENCB DEPARTMENT